flashcards

12 Flashcard Decks
Chapte 1
A. Adaptation, Variation, and Change • Adaptation is the process by which organisms cope with environmental forces and stresses. o Human adaptation involves interaction between culture and biology. o For example, human adaptation to high altitudes (see Recap 1.1) uses both cultural and biological means: ▪ Technological adaptation (cultural) ▪ Genetic adaptation (biological) ▪ Long-term physiological adaptation (biological) ▪ Short-term physiological adaptation (biological) • Through time, social and cultural means of adaptation have become increasingly important for human groups. o Human groups have devised diverse ways of coping with a wide range of environments. o The rate of cultural adaptation has been rapidly accelerating during the last 10,000 years. ▪ Food production originated between 12,000 and 10,000 years ago, after millions of years during which foraging was the sole basis for human subsistence. ▪ The first civilizations developed between 6,000 and 5,000 B.P. (before the present). ▪ More recently, the spread of industrial production has profoundly affected human life. o Today’s global economy and means of communication link all people in the modern world system. Studying the impact of globalization presents new challenges for anthropology. B. Cultural Forces Shape Human Biology • Anthropology’s comparative, biocultural perspective recognizes that cultural forces constantly mold human biology. A biocultural perspective uses both biological and cultural approaches to understand an issue or problem. o Cultural traditions promote certain activities and abilities, discourage others, and set standards of physical well-being and attractiveness. o Cultural standards of attractiveness and propriety influence participation and achievement in sports (e.g., Brazilian body ideals for women disfavor the big, strong shoulders and firm bodies of female competitive swimmers). III. General Anthropology • The academic discipline of general anthropology in North America includes four main subdisciplines. o Sociocultural anthropology (cultural anthropology) focuses on societies of the present and recent past. o Anthropological archaeology reconstructs lifeways of ancient and more recent societies through analysis of material remains. o Biological anthropology studies human biological variation through time and across geographic space. o Linguistic anthropology examines language in its social and cultural contexts. • The origin of North American (four-field) anthropology can be traced to the nineteenth century. Early American anthropologists were especially concerned with exploring the origins and diversity of Native American groups, studying their customs, social life, language, and physical traits. • The four subdisciplines share a similar goal of exploring variation in time and space to improve the understanding of the basics of human biology, society, and culture—and their interrelations. o Any conclusions about “human nature” must be pursued with a comparative, crosscultural approach. IV. The Subdisciplines of Anthropology A. Cultural Anthropology • Cultural anthropology combines ethnography and ethnology to study human societies and cultures for the purpose of describing, analyzing, interpreting, and explaining social and cultural similarities and differences. o Ethnography consists of fieldwork in a particular cultural setting. ▪ During ethnographic fieldwork, anthropologists collect data that are then organized, analyzed, and interpreted to produce an account (a book, an article, or a film) of a particular community, society, or culture. ▪ Ethnographic fieldwork has traditionally tended to emphasize local behavior, beliefs, customs, social life, economic activities, politics, and religion. Today, anthropologists also explore the impact of external forces and events on communities. ▪ Anthropology differs from other social sciences in its focus on local (often poor and powerless) people rather than the policy and decision making ofelites. ▪ Since cultures are not isolated, ethnographers must investigate the linkages among local, regional, national, global systems of politics, economics, and information that affect people’s lives across the world. o Ethnology examines, interprets, analyzes, and compares the results of ethnography. Ethnology compares and contrasts the particular data gathered in different societies to make generalizations about society and culture. ▪ Ethnology uses ethnographic data (and findings from the other subfields) to identify and explain cultural differences and similarities, to test hypotheses, and to form theories that enhance our understanding of social and cultural systems.B. Anthropological Archaeology • Anthropological archaeology (or archaeology) reconstructs, describes, and interprets human behavior and cultural patterns through material remains. o The material remains of a culture include artifacts (potsherds, jewelry, and tools), garbage, burials, wild and domesticated grains, and the remains of structures. These remains help archaeologists reconstruct patterns of production, trade, and consumption. o Archaeologists use paleoecology (the study of ecosystems of the past) to examine the intersections of nature and human culture and how they influence each other. ▪ Ecology is the study of interrelations among living things in an environment. o Archaeologists use excavation to reconstruct behavior patterns and lifestyles of the past, as well as changes over time in a given area. o Archaeology is not restricted to prehistoric societies. ▪ Studying sunken ships off the Florida coast, underwater archaeologists have verified the living conditions on the vessels that brought ancestral African Americans to the New World as enslaved people. ▪ William Rathje’s “garbology” project in Tucson, Arizona, drew attention to the anthropological information to be discovered in modern landfills. C. Biological Anthropology • Biological anthropology investigates human biological diversity through time and as it exists today. o There are five specialties within biological anthropology: ▪ Paleoanthropology: the study of human evolution as revealed by the fossil record▪ Human genetics ▪ Human growth and development ▪ Human biological plasticity: the living body’s ability to change as it copes with environmental conditions, such as heat, cold, and altitude ▪ Primatology: the study of monkeys, apes, and other nonhuman primates o A commonality among all five specialties is an interest in biological variation among humans, including their ancestors and closest animal relatives (monkeys and apes). o These varied interests link biological anthropology to biology, zoology, geology, anatomy, physiology, medicine, and public health. D. Linguistic Anthropology • Linguistic anthropology is the study of language in its social and cultural context throughout the world and over time. o Some linguistic anthropologists investigate universal features of language that may be linked to uniformities in the human brain. o Linguistic anthropologists have studied linguistic differences to examine the relationship of language structure and thought patterns in different cultures. o Historical linguists reconstruct ancient languages and study linguistic variation through time. o Sociolinguistics investigates relationships between social and linguistic variation. V. Applied Anthropology • Applied anthropology refers to the application of anthropological data, perspectives, theory, and methods to identify, assess, and solve social problems. • Applied anthropologists come from all four subfields of anthropology. o Applied medical anthropologists consider the sociocultural and biological contexts and implications of disease and illness. o Applied archeology, or public archeology, includes work in cultural resource management (CRM), public educational programs, and historic preservation. ▪ CRM involves deciding what needs saving when entire archaeological sites cannot be saved. VI. Anthropology and Other Academic Fields • Anthropology is distinguished among other fields of study by its holism, which uniquely blends biological, social, cultural, linguistic, historical, and contemporary perspectives. o Anthropology is a science, in that it is a systematic field of study that usesexperiment, observation, and deduction to produce reliable explanations of human cultural and biological phenomena. o Anthropology also has strong links to the humanities in that it encompasses the study and cross-cultural comparison of languages, texts, philosophies, arts, music, performances, and other forms of creative expression. A. Cultural Anthropology and Sociology • Like anthropology, sociology studies society, including human social behavior, social relations, and social organization. • Key differences between the two disciplines are reflected in the types of society that each has traditionally studied and the methods used by each. o Sociologists typically have studied contemporary, Western, industrial societies, whereas anthropologists have focused on nonindustrial and non-Western societies. o Sociologists have tended to employ surveys and other quantitative methods, which apply sampling and statistical techniques. As anthropologists focus more on modern nations, they often employ similar tools. o In ethnographic study, the anthropologist takes part in the events that are being observed, described, and analyzed. • In many areas and with many topics, anthropology and sociology are converging. B. Anthropology and Psychology • Psychological anthropology has contributed a cross-cultural perspective to concepts developed in psychology, both on psychoanalytic propositions and on issues of development and cognition. • One application is in the study of culturally-specific syndromes: patterns of unusual, aberrant, or abnormal behavior confined to a single culture or a group of related cultures. o Twenty-first century psychological anthropology must recognize how local indigenous patterns interact with the forces of globalization. VII. The Scientific Method • As a science, anthropology aims for reliable explanations that predict future occurrences. A. Theories, Associations, and Explanations • Scientists strive to improve our understanding of the world by hypothesis testing. o A hypothesis is a suggested but as of yet unverified explanationA hypothesis must be tested to confirm the explanation is good. o An explanation shows how and why one variable causes or is closely associated with another variable that one wants to explain. • Theories provide explanations for associations. o An association is an observed relationship between two or more measured variables. o A theory is a set of ideas formulated to explain something. • A law is a generalization that applies to and explains all instances of an association. o Associations are explored to help illustrate a general principle—like the association between the state of water and the air temperature. o In the social sciences, associations are usually stated probabilistically: two or more variables tend to be related in a predictable way, but there are exceptions. B. Case Study: Explaining the Postpartum Taboo • Theories suggest patterns, connections, and relationships that may be confirmed by new research. o The study of the connection between the postpartum sex taboo (dependent variable) and a low-protein diet (predictor variable), suggested that the taboo is advantageous to the health of babies with low-protein diets because as a result of the taboo they breastfeed longer. • In hypothesis testing, the relevant variables should be clearly defined and measured reliably; and results should be evaluated with legitimate statistical methods. o A common mistake is citing cases that confirm a hypothesis while ignoring those that do not do so. o The best procedure is random selection of cases from a wide sample. C. The Value, and Limitations, of Science • Science isn’t the only way of understanding the world; cultural anthropology often utilizes approaches that are more interpretive, qualitative, and humanistic. VIII. Features Focus on Globalization: World Events • The study of global–local linkages is an important part of modern anthropology and is facilitated by mass media, which draw people together to participate in world events. • Some examples of world events that have generated global interest include the Apollo 11 moon landing in 1969; Prince William and Catherine Middleton’s wedding in 2011;and many international sports competitions such as the Olympics and World Cup soccer. • Although American baseball has little worldwide mass appeal, it is an ethnically diverse sport that shows us a multiethnic world in miniature.

Adaptation, Variation, and Change

Chapter 2
CHAPTER OUTLINE I. Introduction: Understanding Ourselves • Americans are enculturated to view themselves as individuals. In contrast, this chapter views people as members of groups first and individuals second. o For example, different national cultures have their own standards for appropriate physical displays of affection. Consequently, the bodily interaction of a Brazilian and an American might lead one to construct the other as either cold or overbearing. o Thinking that there is only one right or natural way of doing such things is an example of ethnocentrism. II. What Is Culture? • Sir Edward Tylor defined culture as, “that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, arts, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” • Enculturation is the process by which a child learns his or her culture. A. Culture Is Learned • Cultural learning is unique to humans. • Cultural learning is the accumulation of knowledge about experiences and information not perceived directly by the organism but transmitted to it through symbols. o Symbols are signs that have no necessary or natural connection with the things they signify or for which they stand. o Anthropologist Clifford Geertz described cultures as sets of “control mechanisms—plans, recipes, rules, instructions” and likens them to computer programs that govern human behavior. • Culture is learned through direct instruction and observation, providing conscious and unconscious means for the acquisition of cultural knowledge. • Anthropologists agree that all human populations share the same capacity for culture. B. Culture Is SymbolicThe human ability to use symbols is the basis of culture. • A symbol is defined as something verbal or nonverbal within a particular language or culture that comes to stand for something else. o In addition to language, there is a rich array of nonverbal symbols. Flags are one example. • Other primates have demonstrated a rudimentary ability to use symbols, but only humans have elaborated cultural abilities such as to learn, to communicate, to store, to process, and to use symbols. C. Culture Is Shared • Culture is an attribute not of individuals per se but of individuals as members of groups. • The social transmission of culture tends to unify people by providing them with common experiences. • Such experiences in turn shape people’s values, memories, and expectations. D. Culture and Nature • Cultural habits, perceptions, and inventions mold human nature in many directions. • People’s culture and cultural changes affect the ways in which they perceive nature, human nature, and the natural world. E. Culture Is All-Encompassing • The anthropological concept of culture includes all aspects of human social life. • Everyone is “cultured,” not just wealthy people with elite educations. F. Culture Is Integrated • A culture is an integrated, patterned system: changes in one dimension of culture will likely generate changes in other dimensions. • Core values are sets of ideas, attitudes, symbols, and judgments that further integrate a particular culture and distinguish it from others. G. Culture Is Instrumental, Adaptive, and Maladaptive • Like other animals, humans adapt biologically; but culture is the main instrument of human adaptability and success. • People use culture to fulfill their needs. o These include basic biological needs for food, drink, shelter, comfort, and reproduction. o They also include psychological and emotional needs for such things as friendship, companionship, and approval. • Sometimes adaptive behavior that offers short-term benefits to particular individuals may harm the environment and threaten a group’s long-term survival, thus making certain cultural traits, patterns, and inventions ultimately maladaptive. III. Culture’s Evolutionary Basis • The human capacity for culture has an evolutionary basis that extends back at perhaps 3 million years. o Similarities between humans and apes are apparent in anatomy, brain structure, genetics, and biochemistry. o Humans are most closely related to chimpanzees and gorillas. ▪ Hominids: chimps and gorillas ▪ Hominins: a group that leads to humans but not to chimps and gorillas o Many human traits reflect the fact that the ancestors lived in trees, including grasping, manual dexterity, opposable thumbs, depth and color vision, a large brain, a substantial parental investment in limited offspring, sociality, and cooperation. o Manual dexterity and depth perception are essential in manipulating objects and making tools. o The ratio of brain size to body size among primates exceeds that of most mammals, as is the size of the brain’s outer layer, concerned with memory, association, and integration, permitting monkeys, apes, and humans to learn more. A. What We Share with Other Primates • Humans and other primates can modify learned behavior and social patterns instead. • The most studied form of ape toolmaking involves “termiting,” in which chimps make tools to probe termite hills. • The ability to aim and throw objects • Primate research shows that other primates, especially chimpanzees, are habitual hunters. B. How We Differ from Other Primates • Cooperation and sharing are much more characteristic of humans. • Human females lack a visible estrus cycle and have concealed ovulation, leading to more durable pair bonds, or marriage. • Marriage leads to exogamy, kinship groups, and lifelong ties with children.IV. Universality, Generality, and Particularity • Anthropologists distinguish among the universal, the generalized, and the particular in studying human diversity. o Cultural universals are certain biological, psychological, social, and cultural features that are found in every culture. o Cultural generalities include features that are common to several but not all human groups. o Cultural particularities are features that are unique to certain cultural traditions. A. Universals and Generalities • Biologically based universals include a long period of infant dependency, year-round sexuality, and a complex brain that enables people to use symbols, languages, and tools. • Social universals include life in groups and families of some kind. • Generalities occur in certain times and places, but not in all cultures. o The nuclear family is one cultural generality that is present in many but not all societies. o Cultural generalities may arise through cultural borrowing (diffusion), inheritance from a common cultural ancestor, or through domination, such as when a more powerful nation imposes its customs and procedures on another group. B. Particularity: Patterns of Culture • Practices that are unique to a single place, culture, or society are cultural particularities. • Cultures are integrated and patterned differently and display tremendous variation and diversity. V. Culture and the Individual • Individual human beings make up the system—meaning culture, society, social relations, or social structure—but are also constrained by its rules and the actions of others. o While cultural rules provide guidance, people use their culture actively and creatively; they have the ability to avoid, manipulate, subvert, and change the rules and patterns of their own cultures. o Culture is contested, and supposedly common symbols may have radically different meanings to different individuals and groups in the same culture. o Some anthropologists find it useful to distinguish between ideal culture, or the normative descriptions of a culture given by its people, and real culture, or behavior as observed by an anthropologist. o Culture may be described as having interrelated public and individual dimensions. o Contemporary anthropologists tend to view culture as a process in action, practice, and resistance, rather than as an entity transmitted across generations. ▪ Agency is the actions individuals take, both alone and in groups, in forming and transforming cultural identities. o Practice theory is an approach to culture that focuses on how varied individuals, through their ordinary and extraordinary actions and practices, manage to influence, create, and transform the world in which they live. A. Levels of Culture • National culture refers to the experiences, beliefs, learned behavior patterns, values, and institutions shared by citizens of the same nation. • International culture refers to cultural practices that extend beyond and across national boundaries. • Subcultures are identifiable cultural patterns and traditions associated with particular groups in the same complex society. B. Ethnocentrism, Cultural Relativism, and Human Rights • Ethnocentrism is the tendency to view one’s own culture as superior and to apply one’s own values in judging the behavior and beliefs of people raised in other cultures. o What may seem alien to one culture might appear normal, proper, and prized elsewhere. o The fact that cultural diversity calls ethnocentrism into question. • What happens when cultural practices, values, and rights come into conflict with human rights? o Some cultures in the Middle East and Africa have customs requiring female genital modification. Clitoridectomy and infibulation are two such practices. ▪ These procedures are traditional where practiced but are opposed by human rights advocates for infringing on the basic human right to control one’s body and sexuality. (Does circumcision of infants in the United States, and other male genital operations, fall into a similar category?) • The concept of cultural relativism asserts that behavior in one culture should not be judged by the standards of another culture. o Cultural relativism is not a moral position in anthropology but a methodological one; in order to understand a culture, one must try to understand how people in that culture see things. • The concept of human rights invokes a realm of justice and morality beyond andsuperior to countries, cultures, and religions; rights that are vested in the individual. • Cultural rights are vested not in individuals but in groups and include a group’s ability to preserve its cultural traditions. o Indigenous intellectual property rights (IPR) allow indigenous groups to control who may know and use their collective knowledge and its applications. • An understanding of cultural relativism and cultural rights does not preclude an anthropologist from making a judgment based on what he or she refers to as international standards of justice and morality. VI. Mechanisms of Cultural Change • Diffusion, defined as the spread of cultural traits through borrowing between cultures, has been a source of cultural change throughout human history. o Diffusion is direct, when two cultures trade, intermarry, or wage war on one another. o Diffusion is forced when one culture subjugates another and imposes its customs on the dominated group. o Diffusion is indirect when cultural practices or traits move from group A to group C via group B without any firsthand contact between groups A and C. • Acculturation is the exchange of cultural features that results when groups come into continuous firsthand contact. o Pidgin is an example of acculturation because it is a language form that develops by blending elements from different languages in order to facilitate communication between the populations in contact, such as in trade relationships. • Independent invention is the process by which humans innovate, creatively finding solutions to problems. o Cultural generalities are partly explained by the independent invention of similar responses to similar cultural and environmental circumstances. o The independent invention of agriculture in the Middle East and Mexico is one example. VII. Globalization: Its Meaning and Its Nature • Globalization encompasses a series of processes that work transnationally to promote change in a world in which nations and people are increasingly interlinked and mutually dependent. o The forces of globalization include international commerce and finance, travel and tourism, transnational migration, and the media—including the Internet and other high tech information flows. • The primary meaning of globalization—and the meaning on which this book focuses—is worldwide connectedness and linkages.o A second, political meaning has to do with efforts to create a global free market for goods and services. • The media play a key role in globalization. o Media spread information about products, events, lifestyles, and perceived benefits of globalization. o People increasingly live their lives across borders, maintaining connections with more than one nation-state. o Money, resources, and information are transmitted rapidly across vast distances. • The effects of globalization are broad and often unwelcome, representing threats to locals’ autonomy, identity, and livelihood.


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Chapter 3


Introduction to Applied Anthropology

chapter 4


I. Introduction: Understanding Ourselves • Compared to other primates, humans are incredibly social. Social networking sites like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram provide a particularly modern illustration, but the human body demonstrates that there has been a long evolutionary history of human sociality. • In particular, humans—unlike their primate relatives—require assistance during childbirth because of the way bipedalism has shaped the pelvis and how increased cranial capacity has molded the infant skull. o As a result, almost all human societies provide assistance to women during childbirth as the infant navigates the winding human birth canal. II. Research Methods in Archaeology and Biological Anthropology • Archaeology and biological anthropology are two of anthropology’s four subfields. o Archaeologists tend to study material culture; biological anthropologists tend to study biological remains. A. Multidisciplinary Approaches • Biological anthropologists and archaeologists collaborate with scientists from diverse fields in the study of sites, fossils, and artifacts. o Paleontologists study ancient life through the fossil record. o Palynology, the study of ancient plants through pollen samples, is used to shed light on a site’s environment at the time a given culture occupied it. o Bioarchaeologists examine human remains to reconstruct physical traits, health status, and diet. • Archaeologists can draw on microscopic evidence, such as fossil pollen, phytoliths (plant crystals), and starch grains, to gain a picture of what a site looked like originally. o Because phytoliths are inorganic and do not decay, they can reveal which plants were present at a given site even when no other plant remains survive. o Starch grains can also be recovered because they preserve well in humid, tropical locations where other organic remains usually decay. • Remote sensing, or the use of aerial and satellite images to locate sites on the ground, plays an important role in locating certain types of archaeological features, such as a system of ancient canals that would otherwise not be visible to the naked eye. o Remote sensing enabled archaeologists to discover and study ancient footpaths in Costa Rica around a volcano called Arenal (Sheets 2006). o Volcanic ash, sediment, and vegetation had hidden the paths, which were up to 2,500 years old. o The ancient trails showed up as thin red lines, reflecting the dense vegetation growing over them. • Originally developed for space applications, a technology known as LiDAR (light detection and ranging) is a remote sensing technique that uses lasers to map 3D surfaces and visualize landscapes. o LiDAR has enabled scientists to map more than 800 square miles (2,100 square kilometers) of the Maya Biosphere Reserve in the Petén region of Guatemala. B. Studying the Past • Fossils are remains, traces, or impressions of ancient life forms. • Teams of interdisciplinary scholars work to identify sites where fossils exist in order to compile the fossil record of human evolution. • Other materials from a site, such as pollen and soil samples, rock samples, and sediments, help provide valuable information and are used in dating techniques. C. Survey and Excavation • Archaeologists work in teams, adopting both local (e.g., excavation) and regional (e.g., survey) approaches. Systematic Survey • A systematic survey provides a regional perspective by gathering information on settlement patterns. • Surveying is one of the ways in which archaeologists locate sites that might be candidates for excavation in the future. • During a survey, the team records the location, size, and approximate age of the site. • Settlement patterns are important for making inferences regarding the prehistoric communities that lived in a given area, including population estimates and levels of social complexity. o Among hunter-gatherers and farmers, there are generally low numbers of people living in small campsites or hamlets, with little variation in architecture. o With increasing social complexity, population levels rise (that is, more people come to live in the same space) and a variety of sites exist along a settlement hierarchy—cities, towns, villages, and hamlets—with increased architectural variation among sites. Excavation • During excavation, scientists dig through layers of deposits that make up a site. Excavation complements regional survey data with more fine-grained data collected at the level of a specific site. • The layers or strata that make up a particular site help archaeologists establish a relative chronology for the material recovered. o The principle of superposition states that in an undisturbed sequence of strata, the oldest layer is on the bottom and each successive layer above is younger than the one below. o Artifacts from lower strata are thus older than artifacts from higher strata, and artifacts from the same strata are roughly the same age. • Nobody digs a site without a clear reason, because there are so many site possibilities and excavation is very expensive and labor-intensive. o Cultural resource management (CRM) is concerned with excavating sites that are threatened by modern development. o Most other sites are selected for excavation because they are well suited to address a series of specific research questions. • Before a site is excavated, it is first mapped and surface data is collected, so that the archaeologist can make an informed decision about where to dig. o A grid is drawn to represent and subdivide the site, after which equal-sized sections of the grid are marked off on the actual site. o The grid enables archaeologists to record the exact location of any artifact, fossil, or feature found at the site. • Digging can be done either according to arbitrary levels or by following the natural stratigraphy. o Using arbitrary levels is a faster but less refined method, during which important information can be lost. o Following the natural stratigraphy is a more labor-intensive but also more precise way of excavating a site, as each layer—natural or cultural—is peeled off one by one. • Archaeologists use a range of techniques to recover materials from an excavation. o All of the excavated soil is passed through screens to increase the likelihood that small and fragmented remains are recovered.o Flotation is used to recover carbonized and very small materials like fish bones and seeds. III. Kinds of Archaeology • Archaeologists pursue diverse research topics. o Experimental archaeologists try to replicate ancient techniques and processes like toolmaking under controlled conditions. o Historical archaeologists use written records as guides and supplements in their study of societies with written histories. ▪ Colonial archaeology is a type of historical archaeology that uses written records to locate and excavate postcontact sites in North and South America. o Classical archaeologists study the literate civilizations of the eastern region of the Old World, such as Greece, Rome, and Egypt. o Underwater archaeology is a growing field that investigates submerged sites, most often shipwrecks. • Archaeologists carry out cultural resource management and contract archaeology by applying their techniques of data gathering and analysis to manage sites that are threatened by development, public works, and road building. IV. Dating the Past • The archaeological record is not a representative sample of all the plants and animals that have ever lived. o Some species and body parts are better represented than others, for different reasons: their level of preservation, the sediment conditions in which they were initially buried, the chemical conditions of fossilization, and their placement in arid regions where they are more likely to be uncovered through erosion. o Taphonomy is the study of the processes that affect the remains of dead animals. o Paleontology is the study of ancient life through the fossil record; paleoanthropology studies ancient humans and their immediate ancestors. o Paleoanthropology and paleontology are both interested in establishing a chronology for the evolution of life. A. Relative Dating • Many dating methods depend upon stratigraphy, the study of earth sediments deposited in demarcated layers (strata). • Relative dating establishes a time frame in relation to other strata or materials. • When fossils are found within a given stratigraphic sequence, scientists know their dates relative to fossils in other strata. • Fluorine absorption analysis, another relative dating technique, was used to expose the Piltdown man hoax. B. Absolute Dating: Radiometric Techniques • Absolute dating techniques offer more precise and quantified dates rather than relative dates, although absolute dating may provide a range of dates instead of an exact date. • Radiometric techniques are based on known rates of radioactive decay in elements found in or around fossils. • Examples of radiometric techniques include 14C and potassium–argon (K/A) dating; thermoluminescence (TL); and electron spin resonance (ESR). o Because the half-life of 14C is short, this technique reliably dates specimens up to 40,000 years old; the 14C method can be used only for organic remains. o The half-life of potassium–argon (K/A) is far longer than that of 14C, so this method provides reliable dating for older specimens (more than 500,000 B.P.) rather than more recent ones; in contradistinction to 14C, potassium–argon (K/A) dating can be used only for inorganic substances like rocks and minerals. o TL and ESR dating provide alternate dating methods for fossils that cannot be dated by 14C or potassium–argon methods by measuring the electrons that are trapped in rocks and minerals associated with a fossil, then applying the date of the rock to the fossil. C. Absolute Dating: Dendrochronology • Dendrochronology, or tree-ring dating, is a method of absolute dating based on the study and comparison of patterns of tree-ring growth; this technique also provides information about climatic patterns in specific regions. • Charting ring patterns through time, scientists can compare wood from ancient buildings to known tree-ring chronologies, match the ring patterns, and determine—to the year— the age of the wood used by a historic or prehistoric builder. • Crossdating is the process of matching ring patterns among trees with visual and statistical techniques and assigning rings to specific calendar years. • Dendrochronology is limited to certain tree species that grow in a climate with marked seasons. D. Molecular Anthropology • Molecular anthropology studies genetic similarities and differences to assess evolutionary relationships among species.o The more similar the DNA, the more closely related the species. • Molecular studies are also used to estimate evolutionary distances between species. • Scientists also use DNA comparison to determine whether particular fossil hominin species were human ancestors. • Another use of molecular anthropology is to establish when ancient species lived and when they diverged from other species. o Differences in DNA arise from mutations—changes in genetic structure that are passed on through heredity. o Through time, more and more mutations occur, so that the DNA of descendants differs increasingly from the DNA of their ancestors. • Molecular anthropology is also used to reconstruct waves of human migration and settlement. o Analysis of haplogroups, a biological lineage defined by a specific cluster of genetic traits, has enabled molecular anthropologists to date a major wave of human migration out of Africa beginning around 70,000 years ago. V. Kinds of Biological Anthropology A. Bone Biology • Bone biology is the study of bone as a biological tissue, including its genetics, cell structure, growth, development, decay, and patterns of movement (biomechanics). • Paleopathology is the study of disease and injury in skeletons from archaeological sites. • Forensic anthropologists work in a legal context assisting coroners, medical examiners, and law enforcement agencies in recovering, analyzing, and identifying human remains and determining the cause of death. B. Anthropometry • Anthropometry is the measurement of human body parts and dimensions, including skeletal parts, and is used to study nutrition, growth, and development. C. Primatology • Primatology is a subfield of biological anthropology that is linked to paleoanthropology and sociocultural anthropology. o The most effective primate studies are done in natural settings. o Studies of primate social systems and behavior suggest hypotheses about what humans do and do not share with their nearest living relatives and their hominin ancestorsVI. Doing Anthropology Right and Wrong: Ethical Issues • Anthropologists must be aware of the ethical and legal contexts and value systems in which their work unfolds. o Many biological anthropologists and archaeologists work in foreign countries, frequently as members of multinational teams. o Researchers must communicate with officials and colleagues in the host country and negotiate the details of the research process (for example, where the research materials will be analyzed and stored). o Informed consent (agreement to take part in the research—after having been informed about its nature, procedures, and possible impacts) must be sought in order to ensure that no humans or animals are harmed or endangered by the research activities. • North American anthropologists working abroad should do the following: o Include host country colleagues in research planning and requests for funding. o Establish truly collaborative relationships with these colleagues and their institutions. o Include host country colleagues in dissemination of research results. o Ensure host country colleagues benefit from the research. A. Ownership Issues • Despite these efforts, ethical issues in anthropology continue to arise. o Lawsuits against museums by groups seeking repatriation of remains and artifacts are now common. o The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) requires museums to return remains and artifacts to tribes that can prove “cultural affiliation.” • In 1996, a skeleton called “Kennewick Man” became the focus of a court case, as five Native American tribes considered the skeleton an ancestor and wanted it buried, whereas anthropologists wanted to study the skeleton, which is one of the oldest (between 8,500 and 9,500 years old) and best-preserved human remains ever discovered in North America. o The courts ruled in favor of the anthropologists, on the grounds that there was insufficient evidence to link the skeleton with any living group. o One result of the study of this skeleton, however, was the identification of a genetic connection to one of the tribes that claimed “the Ancient One” as their ancestor. o In 2016 President Obama signed an act directing the return of the remains to one of the five Native American nations living in the area where they had been found.B. The Code of Ethics • The American Anthropological Association’s Code of Ethics is a guide for anthropologists to help them fulfill their obligations and to prevent harm to their scholarly field, their research subjects, and the environment. o Anthropologists should be open and honest with all parties affected by research by informing them about the nature, procedures, purpose(s), potential impacts, and source(s) of support for the research. o Researchers should maintain proper relations between themselves and the host nations and communities in which they work. o It may be ethically justifiable to take a stand in order to shape actions and policies on issues.

Understanding Ourselves and Research Methods

chapter 5

I. Introduction: Understanding Ourselves • Although genes do determine some things—blood type, prevalence of sickle cell anemia, hemophilia—other aspects of human physiology are more plastic (changeable). • While many cultural interventions, especially medical ones, are generally viewed favorably, there are those who worry that people may be intervening too much with human biology. • All these concerns are related to the theory of evolution, the central organizing principle of modern biology. Evolution is also a fact. II. Evolution A. Natural History before Darwin • During the 18th century, many scholars became interested in biological diversity, human origins, and the human position within the classification of plants and animals (e.g., the first comprehensive and still influential taxonomy of plants and animals, by Carolus Linnaeus). • The commonly accepted explanation for the origin of species during the 18th century was creationism, which is the belief that biological similarities and differences originated at Creation and that characteristics of life forms are immutable. • The discovery of fossil remains of creatures clearly unknown to modern humans was and remains not accounted for within the terms of simple creationism. • Catastrophism arose as a modified version of creationism that posited divinely authored worldwide disasters that wiped out ancient species; presented new, divine events of species creation; and permitted the survival of some ancient species in isolated areas to explain the existence of fossil remains. • The alternative to creationism and catastrophism was transformism, which is better known as evolution. • Darwin was influenced by Charles Lyell’s principle of uniformitarianism. o Uniformitarianism is the belief that natural forces at work today also explain past events. o It further asserts that current geological structures are the result of long-term natural forces. o Darwin applied the theory of long-term transformation through natural forces to living things. When integrated into evolutionary theory, uniformitarianism cast doubt on whether the world was only 6,000 years old, as posited in creationism. o Darwin argued that all life forms are related and that the number of species has increased over time. B. Evolution: Theory and Fact • Darwin provided a theoretical framework for the understanding of evolution. o Natural selection was the principal mechanism that could explain changes in life forms. • Evolution is both a theory and a fact. • Evolution as a theory is a central organizing principle of modern biology and anthropology. o A theory is a set of logically connected ideas formulated to explain something. It suggests patterns, connections, and relationships that may be confirmed by further research. • The fact of evolution was known prior to Charles Darwin’s influential research and writing, but Charles Darwin contributed a theory of evolution through natural selection, explaining how evolution occurred. o Darwin posited natural selection as a single theory that could explain the origin of species, biological diversity, and similarities among related life forms, reaching this conclusion along with Wallace. o Natural selection is the gradual process by which the forms best suited to survive and reproduce in a particular environment do so in greater numbers than other members in the same population. ▪ For natural selection to work in a given population there must be variety within that population (as there always is) and competition for strategic resources. ▪ The concept of natural selection argues that organisms that have a better fit within their environmental niche will reproduce more frequently than those that fit less well. ▪ Through a gradual branching process that involves adaptation to thousands of environments, natural selection has produced the diverse plants and animals found in the world today. III. Genetics • The science of genetics aims to explain the origin of the variety upon which natural selection operates. o Biochemical changes (mutations) in DNA provide much of the variety on which natural selection operates. A. Mendel’s Experiments • The study of hereditary traits was begun in 1856 by Gregor Mendel, an Austrian monk. • By experimenting with successive generations of pea plants, Mendel came to the conclusion that heredity is determined by discrete particles or units, the effects of which may disappear in one generation and reappear in the next. • Mendel determined that the traits he observed occurred in two basic forms: dominant and recessive. o Dominant forms manifest themselves in each generation. o Recessive forms are masked whenever they are paired with a dominant form of the same trait in a hybrid individual. o It has since been demonstrated that some traits have more than these two forms— the human blood type, for example, has several forms, some of which are codominant. • The traits Mendel identified occur on chromosomes. o Humans have 23 matched pairs of chromosomes, with each parent contributing one chromosome to each pair. o Chromosomes contain several genes, which determine the nature of a particular trait. o Alleles are the biochemically different forms that may occur at any given genetic locus. o Chromosome pairs’ loci may be homozygous (identical alleles) or heterozygous (mixed). • Dominance produces a distinction between genotype, or hereditary makeup, and phenotype, or expressed physical characteristics. B. Independent Assortment and Recombination • Mendel also determined that traits are inherited independently of one another (independent assortment). • The fact that traits are transmitted independently of one another, and hence may occur in new combinations with other traits, is responsible for much of the variety upon which natural selection operates. C. The Role of DNA• Mendel demonstrated that variety is produced by genetic recombination, but mutations, or changes in the DNA molecules of which genes and chromosomes are built, are now known to be even more important as a source of new biochemical forms on which natural selection may operate. • DNA does several things basic to life. o DNA can copy itself, which forms new cells that replace old ones, and produces the gametes, or sex cells, that make new generations. o DNA’s chemical structure guides the body’s production of proteins. • Proteins are built following instructions sent by DNA, with the assistance of another molecule, RNA, which has the same paired-base structure of DNA. o In protein building, RNA carries DNA’s message from the cell’s nucleus to its cytoplasm. o A protein, or chain of amino acids, is constructed by “reading” RNA’s bases as three-letter “words” called triplets, each of which codes for a particular amino acid in order to assemble a proper sequence. o In this way DNA initiates and guides the construction of hundreds of proteins necessary for bodily growth, maintenance, and repair. D. Cell Division • An organism develops from a fertilized egg, or zygote, created by the union of two sex cells, a sperm and an egg (ovum). • A zygote grows through mitosis, or ordinary cell division, wherein one cell splits to form two identical cells. • Sex cells are produced through meiosis, a type of division wherein four cells are produced from one, each with half the genetic material of the original cell (for example, 23 chromosomes instead of 46). • Fertilization allows the products of meiosis from one parent to recombine with those from the other parent. • Chromosomes sort independently, so a human child’s genotype is a random combination of the DNA of its four grandparents. E. Crossing Over • When paired chromosomes temporarily intertwine in the course of reduplication, they often exchange lengths of their DNA. • Crossovers are the sites where homologous chromosomes have exchanged segments by breakage and recombination. • Crossing over provides an important source of variety on which natural selection operates, as each new chromosome in a crossover is partially different from eithermember of the original pair. IV. Population Genetics and Mechanisms of Genetic Evolution • Population genetics studies the genetic characteristics of populations in which most breeding normally takes place. o Gene pool refers to all the alleles, genes, chromosomes, and genotypes within a breeding population. o Genetic evolution is defined as change in gene frequencies over time, across generations. • The four principal mechanisms that produce genetic variation include natural selection, mutation, random genetic drift, and gene flow. A. Natural Selection • Essential to understanding evolution through natural selection is the distinction between genotype and phenotype. o Genotype refers to hereditary factors only—genes and chromosomes. o Phenotype is an organism’s evident biological characteristics and develops over the years as environmental forces influence the organism. • Natural selection can operate only on a phenotype, or on what is exposed, not on what is hidden. o A phenotype includes outward physical appearance as well as internal organs, tissues and cells, and physiological processes and systems. o Environmental influence in this interaction is extremely important, lending great plasticity to human biology. o The environment works on the genotype to build the phenotype, and certain phenotypes do better in some environments than others. Directional Selection • Natural selection affects gene frequencies within a population. The long-term selection of the same trait(s) is referred to as directional selection. • Directional selection occurs when specific adaptive genes are selected over a long period, causing a major shift in gene frequency. • Traits that are the most adaptive (favored by natural selection) will be selected again and again from generation to generation. • Maladaptive genes are “selected against”; that is, organisms containing them reproduce less frequently, over several generations. • Directional selection continues as long as the environmental forces stay the same;however, if the environment changes, new selective forces start working, favoring different phenotypes. • Selection operates only on traits that are present in a given population. • Some species are adapted to a narrow range of environments while others, such as Homo sapiens, tolerate more environmental variation because their genetic potential permits many adaptive possibilities. Sexual Selection • a. Sexual selection operates through competition for mates in a breeding population and through differential success in mating. Stabilizing Selection • Selective forces can maintain genetic variety through stabilizing selection—by favoring a balanced polymorphism. • This occurs when frequencies of two or more alleles of a gene remain constant from generation to generation. • One well-studied example of balanced polymorphism involves two alleles, HbA and HbS , which affect the production of the beta strain (Hb) of human hemoglobin. o Homozygous HbA produces normal hemoglobin; homozygous HbS produces lethal sickle-cell anemia; in some circumstances, heterozygosity for this gene produces the deleterious but nonlethal sickle-cell anemia. o It was discovered that in certain populations in Africa, India, and the Mediterranean, HbS existed at surprisingly high frequencies. o This is largely explained by the fact that the populations noted were in heavily malarial areas and that the heterozygous form produced a phenotype resistant to malaria, thus making it the phenotype most fit for that environment. • Traits that are maladaptive in one environment, as would be the heterozygote HbA HbS in a malaria-free zone, can be adaptive in a different environment, and the reverse is also true. B. Mutation • Mutations are the most important source of variety on which natural selection depends and operates. o The simplest mutations result from the substitution of just one base in a triplet by another. o Another form of mutation is a chromosomal rearrangement, in which pieces of a chromosome break off, turn around and reattach, or migrate somewhere else on that chromosome. ▪ A mismatch of chromosomes resulting from rearrangement can lead to speciation—the formation of a new species. • Mutation rates vary, but for base substitution mutations, the likely average is 1029 mutations per DNA base per generation—or approximately three mutations for every sex cell. • Mutations may be neutral, conferring neither advantage nor disadvantage, though they can also be harmful or acquire an adaptive advantage through changing selective forces. C. Random Genetic Drift • Random genetic drift refers to random changes in gene frequency as the result of chance (not natural selection). They are most typically seen in small populations. • Fixation—or the total replacement of genes—happens randomly, not because the genes conferred any selective advantage or disadvantage. D. Gene Flow • Gene flow, the exchange of genetic material between populations of the same species, may occur through either direct interbreeding or an indirect chain of connection. • Gene flow works in conjunction with natural selection, introducing a variety upon which selection can act. • Gene flow inhibits speciation unless subgroups of the same species are separated for a sufficient length of time. o A species is a group of related organisms whose members can interbreed to produce offspring that can survive and reproduce. o Speciation occurs when populations of the same species become isolated from each other (thus stopping gene flow), allowing natural selection and genetic drift to gradually produce gene pools that are different to the extent that successful interbreeding is no longer possible. V. Microevolution, Macroevolution, and Extinction • Microevolution and macroevolution are two ends of a continuum of evolutionary change in which gradually changing gene frequencies in a population can eventually lead to the formation of new species. o Microevolution refers to genetic changes in a population or species over a few, several, or many generations, but without speciation. o Macroevolution describes larger-scale changes in allele frequencies in a population over a long period that may culminate in the evolution of a new species. The contrast between microevolution and macroevolution should not be exaggerated. ▪ Microevolution and macroevolution happen in the same way and for the same reasons, reflecting the mechanisms of genetic evolution. A. Punctuated Equilibrium • Charles Darwin saw life forms arising through gradual, orderly microevolutionary change over time. Advocates of a theory called punctuated equilibrium believe, however, that long periods of stasis, during which species change little, are punctuated by evolutionary leaps. • Punctuated equilibrium may occur through the extinction of one species followed by the invasion of a closely related species, the replacement of one species by a more fit related group in a particular environment, and a period of sudden environmental change that permits the survival of a radically altered species with significant mutations or a combination of genetic changes. B. Extinction • Although species can survive radical environmental shifts, a more common fate is extinction. o The largest mass extinction occurred 245 million years ago and wiped out 4.5 million of the Earth’s estimated 5 million species. o The second-largest mass extinction, 65 million years ago, destroyed the dinosaurs. • The fossil record shows that there are periods of more intense evolutionary change. Speciation responds to many factors, including the rate of environmental change, changes in geographic barriers, competition, and a group’s adaptive response.

Understanding Ourselves and Evolution

chapter 6


I. Introduction: Understanding Ourselves • Human biological diversity encompasses not just the traits visible to the naked eye like skin or eye color but also those that cannot be seen, such as disease resistance or the ability to digest certain kinds of food. o Understanding these differences, how they came to be, and what the implications are can be critical. o For instance, knowledge of a correlation between blood type and adverse reactions to the smallpox vaccine can save lives. • As a result of migration, contemporary North America is rich in biological diversity. Anthropology seeks to understand and explain it. II. Race: A Discredited Concept in Biology • Historically, the study of human biological diversity has been approached in the following two main ways: o Racial classification: the attempt to assign humans to discrete categories—races— based on common ancestry (now largely abandoned). o The explanatory approach, which focuses on understanding specific differences. • In biological terms, a race is a geographically isolated subdivision of a species that is capable of reproducing with individuals from other subspecies of the same species but does not do so because of its geographic isolation. o Humans lack such races because human populations have not been isolated enough from one another to develop into discrete groups. • Racial classification assumes that humans belong to distinct races and that each race has a biological basis. However, race is a cultural category that is perceived and perpetuated in particular societies, not a biological reality. o Discrimination against a group perceived to be biologically different is racism. o Racism has not always existed, nor is it intrinsic to humanity. • Biological differences are real, important, and apparent to all. o Gradual, rather than abrupt, shifts in gene frequencies, called clines, exist between neighboring human populations. o Race is supposed to reflect shared genetic variation, but racial categories have been based on phenotypes, which are the evident physical traits of humans. ▪ There are hundreds of detectable physical traits, ranging from skin color and hair form to blood type and enzyme production, and there is no logical hierarchy of phenotypic features. However, early European and American scientists gave priority to the readily apparent feature of skin color in determining race.o The three so-called great races—black, white, and yellow—identified in the late 19th and early 20th centuries are more a reflection of European colonial politics than an accurate representation of human biological diversity. A. Races Are Not Biologically Distinct • Another problem with classifying people by skin color is that many populations do not fit neatly into any one of the three “great races.” • Skin-color-based race models that include more than three categories still do not accurately represent the wide range of skin color diversity among human populations. • Traits such as skin color, stature, skull form, and facial features don’t go together as a unit, and the amount that heredity (versus environment) contributes to such phenotypic traits is often unclear. B. Genetic Markers Don’t Correlate with Phenotype • Humans are much more alike genetically than are other hominoids (the living apes). o This suggests that all humans share a common ancestor, perhaps as recent as 70,000 to 50,000 years ago. o The fact that African populations are the most genetically diverse points to Africa as the site of human origins. • Contemporary researchers construct haplogroups—lineages defined by specific genetic mutations—as they attempt to trace the dispersion of humans across the globe. o They sample mitochondrial DNA in women and Y chromosomes in men. o Members of the major haplogroups (M and N for mtDNA; C and F for the Y chromosome) are found throughout the globe. • Although long-term genetic markers exist, they do not correlate neatly with phenotypical similarities and differences. C. The AAA RACE Project • The American Anthropological Association (AAA) offers a RACE education program for middle-school children, with three key messages: o Race is a recent human invention. o Race is about culture, not biology. o Race and racism are embedded in institutions and everyday life. • The AAA’s statement on race stresses that inequalities among “racial” groups are not a result of biological differences but are instead products of social, economic, educational, and political circumstances. III. Human Biological Adaptation• Scientists have made considerable progress in explaining variation in human skin color, along with many other features of human biological diversity. Natural selection plays a key role. A. Explaining Skin Color • Natural selection is the process by which the forms most fit to survive and reproduce in a given environment do so. • Variation in skin color is a complex biological trait that is influenced by a number of different genes. The amount of melanin in the skin is the primary determinant of human skin color. Melanin protects against a number of maladies. • Prior to the 16th century, most of the world’s darkest-skinned populations lived closest to the tropics, and a gradient of average skin color could be observed moving north from the region of the tropics in Africa, for example. This does not hold true in the Americas, however, which were settled in the relatively recent past (no more than 20,000 years ago) by Asian ancestors of Native Americans. • Selective advantages and disadvantages (see Recap 6.1) are important factors. o Light skin in the tropics is selected against, because it burns more easily, thus subjecting light-skinned individuals to a greater likelihood of infection and disease. o Sunburn impairs the body’s ability to withstand heat by reducing the skin’s ability to sweat and regulate its own temperature in the process. o Light skin is more susceptible than dark skin to skin cancer. o The effect of sunlight on vitamin D formation indicates how dark skin might have been selected for in tropical environments, and against in lower-sunlight environments (protection against rickets); it further indicates how light skin might have been selected for in low-sunlight environments and against in the tropics. • Today, people from Pakistan and India are seen as people who have migrated to northern areas of the United Kingdom having a higher rate of rickets and osteoporosis, demonstrating that dark skin in northern areas becomes a biological disadvantage. • Eskimos (Inuit), who have darker skin, can survive in northern areas where people would expect them to have lighter skin because they have inhabited the area only recently in geological time and eat diets supplemented by high vitamin D (seafood and fish oils). When they don’t eat the traditional seafood diet, they suffer high rates of vitamin D deficiency. • Additionally, natural sunlight and UV destroy folate, a nutrient essential to preventing neural tube defects (NTDs) in humans. Higher melanin levels (leading to darker skin) conserve folate in humans. Thus, lower rates of severe folate deficiency are seen in darker-skinned people than in lighter-skinned ones. • Today, cultural alternatives to biological adaptation permit people to live all over the globe• Jablonski and Chaplin (2000) explain variation in human skin color as a balancing act between evolutionary needs to protect against all UV hazards while maintaining an adequate supply of vitamin D. B. Facial Features • Thomson’s nose rule asserts that noses tend to be longer in colder climates, an adaptive mechanism for warming air as it is breathed in. • Native Australians’ sand-permeated diet has selected over time for larger teeth than is usually seen in other human populations. C. Size and Body Build • Different climates have selected variant body types. • Bergmann’s rule states that larger bodies are found in colder areas and smaller bodies in warmer ones. o Because of the respective ratios between mass and surface area, smaller bodies dissipate heat faster and larger bodies retain heat better. D. Genes and Disease • Much of human biological diversity is the result of human genetic adaptation to environmental stresses, including diet, disease, and climate. o The high frequencies of the HbS heterozygote in malarial environments provide one example. • Infectious diseases posed an increasing threat to human mortality with the spread of food production (farming and herding) around 12,000–10,000 years ago. • Human blood types play an important role in resistance to some diseases. o There is evidence that the various alleles producing human blood types interact with infectious and noninfectious ailments. o For example, the presence of type A or AB blood cells seems to make a person more susceptible to smallpox, while the presence of O or B blood cells appears to increase resistance to smallpox. • Genetic resistance is particularly significant in the case of diseases for which there are no known cures. o People exposed to HIV vary in their risk for developing AIDS and in the rate at which the disease progresses. o Individuals who are homozygous for the allele CCR5-∆32 are resistant to invasion by the CCR5 receptor used by HIV. o This is an immunity that illustrates preadaptation or preselection. o The original selection for the allele had nothing to do with HIV, instead spreadingbecause it conferred resistance to earlier disease. E. Lactose Tolerance • The term phenotypical adaptation refers to changes that occur to an individual organism during its lifetime. Phenotypical adaptation is made possible as a result of humans’ biological plasticity, or the ability to change in response to the environments humans encounter while growing. • Individuals from herding populations in northern Europe and parts of Africa maintain their ability to digest milk (that is, they continue to produce the enzyme lactase) into adulthood, whereas people from other populations can digest milk (specifically milk sugar, called lactose) only during childhood. • A comparison of European and East African lactose tolerant groups shows that different mutations favor lactose tolerance between and within these groups, indicating that the same phenotype can be produced by different genotypes. • The fact that lactose intolerance can vary during an individual’s adult life, depending on how much milk is consumed, indicates that some phenotypic adaptation also takes place.

Understanding Human Biological Diversity

chapter 10


I. Introduction: Understanding Ourselves • Body decoration is a cultural universal that provides insights into who and what people are trying to look like and what sort of person they are trying not to resemble. • Like other symbols, the meanings of various types of body decoration are arbitrary. o The earliest evidence of symbolic thought takes the form of decorated artifacts found in South Africa’s Blombos Cave that date back at least 100,000 years. • In Europe, by 35,000 years ago, there was evidence of an expressive culture, including art and music. It is likely that language was a part of this. o The linguist Merritt Ruhlen speculates that all the world’s languages share a common ancestor that was spoken by anatomically modern humans 40,000 to 50,000 years ago. II. Modern Humans • Anatomically modern humans (AMHs) evolved from an African version of H. heidelbergensis by as early as 300,000 years ago. A. Out of Africa: AMH Edition Ethiopian Discoveries • Fossil and archaeological evidence has been accumulated to support the African origin of AMHs. • A major fossil find was announced in 2003: the discovery of three anatomically modern skulls (dated to 160,000–154,000 B.P.) near the Ethiopian village of Herto. This provides support for the view that modern humans originated in Africa. These skulls are anatomically modern—long, with broad midfaces featuring tall, narrow nasal bones and high cranial vaults. • The site of Omo Kibish in southwestern Ethiopia has provided AMH fossils that are now thought to date back to 195,000 B.P. In the same stratigraphic layers, Middle Stone Age tools were found.Jebel Irhoud, Morocco, the Earliest Known AMHs • Today the earliest known AMH fossils, dated to 300,000 B.P., are those discovered in work that began in 2004 at the desert site of Jebel Irhoud in Morocco. • Skull bones from five individuals were discovered in the same rock layer as flint blades that had been heated in ancient hearths. • These ancient people had heavier brows, smaller chins, and wider and flatter faces than people today, but not so much so that they would have stood out. Cranial capacity was as large as that of modern humans. • The flint used in their complex tools was from 20 miles away, suggesting the possibility of regional alliances and trade networks. Israel’s Misliya Cave • Discovered in 2002 and announced in 2018, a fossilized human jawbone from a collapsed cave in Israel is thought to be from 194,000–177,000 B.P. • If the dating proves correct, the individual is the earliest Homo sapiens yet found outside of Africa. Apidima 1 in Greece • The Misliya Cave discovery provides support for genetic studies suggesting that some modern humans ventured out of Africa earlier than the migration that would eventually give rise to all living humans. • The AMH skull (Apidima 1) is dated to 210,000 B.P., while the other skull is Neandertal (Apidima 2) and dated to 170,000 B.P. (Harvati et al. 2019). Other Early AMHs • Fossil remains dating to perhaps 150,000 years ago have been found at Border Cave, a rock shelter in South Africa. • Fragmentary bones from 120,000 years ago out of a complex of South African caves indicate that the people who lived there had thin-boned modern features, including a modern brow ridge and chin. Archaeological evidence suggests they did coastal gathering. • AMH specimens have also been found in Israel. The fossils found at Skhūl date to 100,000 B.P.; the skulls found at Qafzeh, modern in shape, date to 92,000 B.P. • Early AMHs in western Europe are often called Cro Magnons, after the first discovery of an AMH in France’s Dordogne Valley in 1868B. “Mitochondrial Eve” and the Spread of AMHs • The results of genetic studies support the idea that AMHs arose in Africa and then spread to the rest of the world. • Researchers from the University of California at Berkeley focused on mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA), which is contributed by the mother to offspring. o The researchers counted and compared the number of mutations in the mtDNA in 147 tissue samples. o Based on the number of shared mutations, the researchers drew an evolutionary, or phylogenetic, tree. The tree started in Africa and branched into two, with one group staying in Africa and the other carrying its mtDNA to the rest of the world. o Variation in mtDNA was greatest among Africans, suggesting that they have been evolving the longest. o At the base of the tree is a single female (dubbed “Mitochondrial Eve”) who lived in sub-Saharan Africa around 200,000 years ago and from whom all modern humans have descended. • In another study, three separate teams of geneticists studied a total of 787 DNA samples from humans around the world, including multiple indigenous populations. o Their study confirms that all non-Africans today trace their ancestry to a single dispersal out of Africa 80,000–50,000 B.P. o Other migrations took place earlier; but this more recent dispersal appears to be the only one that led to descendants alive today. C. Late Wave AMHs on the Move • A 55,000-year-old AMH skull found in Israel’s Manot Cave suggests the area as a likely corridor for AMH expansion out of Africa. o Features of the skull, Manot 1, suggest that its ancestors were mainly African AMHs but may also have included Neandertals. o Neandertals are known to have occupied nearby caves 65,000–50,000 B.P., having spread from western Europe into the Middle East during the last (Würm) glacial period. o Interbreeding may therefore have taken place in the Middle East prior to the AMH colonization of Europe. o Neandertals and AMHs may have coexisted in the Middle East for thousands of years, between around 45,000 B.P. and Neandertal extinction around 39,000 B.P. • The oldest known skeletal evidence for AMHs in Europe comes from a jawbone from Devon, England, dated at 41,500 to 44,200 years old, and from two baby teeth from Italy, dated at 43,000 to 45,000 years old.III. The Advent of Behavioral Modernity • While scientists agree on large parts of the chronology in the development of AMHs, there is still disagreement as to when behavioral modernity emerged. o Scientists agree on the following: ▪ Around 6 million years ago, the hominin ancestors originated in Africa, and as apelike creatures they became habitual bipeds. ▪ By 3.3 million years ago, still in Africa, hominins were making crude stone tools. ▪ By 1.8 million years ago, hominins had spread to Asia and eventually Europe. ▪ As early as 300,000 years ago, AMHs evolved from ancestors that had remained in Africa. Like earlier hominins, they spread, eventually replacing nonmodern types such as the Neandertals and H. erectus. o Scientists disagree about when, where, and how early AMHs achieved behavioral modernity—the reliance on symbolic thought and elaborate cultural creativity. ▪ The traditional view was that there was a sort of “creative explosion” in Europe some 45,000 years ago. ▪ Many other scientists argue for a more gradual development in Africa from 300,000 to 30,000 years ago. The evidence includes tools with symbolic or stylistic content and the mixture of paint from a red powder known as ocher. o Cultural advances would have facilitated the spread of AMHs out of Africa. o Population increases would have put pressure on resources and encouraged experimentation with new strategies for survival. o People would have been living in closer contact and would have had more opportunities to interact. Ornamentation could have been part of an emerging system of communication. o According to Randall White, early personal adornment in Africa and the Middle East shows that a creative capacity existed among AMHs long before they reached Europe. ▪ Symbolic thought and cultural advances gave them a distinct advantage over the Neandertals. IV. Advances in Technology • AMHs made tools in a variety of traditions, collectively known as Upper Paleolithic because of the tools’ location in the upper, or more recent, layers of sedimentary deposits. o The Upper Paleolithic traditions all emphasized blade tools. • Faster, more efficient, and more productive than previous stone tool making, Upper Paleolithic technology may have been especially valued by people whose economy depended on cooperative hunting of mammoths, woolly rhinoceroses, bison, wild horses, bears, wild cattle, wild boars, and—principally—reindeer. • Scrapers were used to hollow out wood and bone, scrape animal hides, and remove bark from trees. • Burins, the first chisels, were used to make slots in bone and wood and to engrave designs on bone. • Awls, which were drills with sharp points, were used to make holes in wood, bone, shell, and skin. • Upper Paleolithic bone tools have survived: knives, pins, needles with eyes, and fishhooks. • With increasing technological differentiation, specialization, and efficiency, humans have become increasingly adaptable. V. Glacial Retreat • The Würm glacial ended in Europe between 17,000 and 12,000 years ago, with the melting of the ice sheet in northern Europe (Scotland, Scandinavia, northern Germany, and Russia). o As the ice retreated, the tundra and steppe vegetation grazed by reindeer and other large herbivores gradually moved north. Some people moved north, too, following their prey. • As water flowed from melting glacial ice, sea levels all over the world started rising. • Today, off most coasts, there is a shallow-water zone called the continental shelf, over which the sea gradually deepens until the abrupt fall to deep water, which is known as the continental slope. o The waters right offshore were deep, cold, and dark. Few species of marine life could thrive in this environment. • A wider range, or broader spectrum, of plant and animal life was being hunted, gathered, collected, caught, and fished in the southwestern European regions. This was the beginning of what anthropologist Kent Flannery (1969) has called the broad-spectrum revolution. VI. Cave Art • Most known Upper Paleolithic cave paintings—dating from 10,000 to 40,000 years old— are concentrated in southwestern France and northern Spain. o Most interpretations associate cave painting with magic and ritual surrounding the hunt. o Another interpretation sees cave painting as a magical human attempt, part of ceremonies of increase, to control animal reproduction and promote the fertility of the plants and animals upon which they depended. o Cave paintings might also have been a kind of pictorial history, recording life events. o The cave paintings coincide with the period of glacial retreat. An intensification in cave painting could have been caused by concern about decreases in herds as forestscame to replace the open steppe of prehistoric southwestern Europe. VII. Settling Australia • During periods of glacial expansion, such as 50,000 years ago, Australia, New Guinea, and Tasmania formed one continent known as Sahul, which was separated from Asia by narrow straits. o According to genetic markers, fossils, and archaeological sites, humans somehow made it to Australia during this period. • Analysis of genetic samples from Native Australians and New Guineans/Melanesians show a close genetic relationship, suggesting that there was only one initial colonization of Sahul. o Both major branches of the global mtDNA tree (M and N) as well as both major branches of the Y-chromosome tree (C and F) are represented in Australia. All the samples fit into one of these branches, which are known to be associated with the spread of modern humans out of Africa that began around 80,000 B.P. o Recent genetic dating suggests this occurred around 50,000 B.P., but archaeological evidence from the Australian rock shelter Madjedbebe suggests a much earlier date—as far back as 65,000 B.P. o Artifacts recovered from Madjedbebe include intact fireplaces, evidence of human burials, and the world’s earliest edge-ground axes. o Researchers used a form of luminescence dating that measures the energy stored in grains of sand since it was last exposed to sunlight. • Australia has yielded some of the oldest modern human skeletons outside of Africa. These include the oldest known ritual ocher burial. The same stratum at Mungo also contains evidence for the first record of cremation. VIII. Settling the Americas • After Australia, H. sapiens had two more continents (North and South America) to settle. • A vast land bridge known as Beringia once connected North America and Siberia. • Submerged today under the Bering Sea, Beringia was once an expanse of dry land several hundred miles wide. • The original settlers of the Americas came from Northeast Asia. • Over the generations, they spread down the coast of Beringia and Alaska, then southward down North America’s North Pacific coast, eventually reaching California as early as 13,000 B.P. A. Beringia and Beyond: Genetic Evidence In January 2018, scientists reported their analysis of the ancient genome of a 6-week-old baby girl who lived briefly and died 11,500 years ago in what is now central Alaska. o Analysis of her DNA showed that she belonged to a previously unknown cousin branch that separated from ancestral Native Americans about 20,000 years ago. • Another group of early migrants from Siberia—ancestral Native Americans—did journey southward. Around 16,000 B.P., they split into two main branches. o One is a northern branch that includes Athabaskans and other indigenous groups in Canada and Alaska, along with the Navajo and Apache in the southwestern United States. o The second—the southern branch—is more dispersed, including most indigenous groups in the United States and all those of Central America and South America. B. Archaeological Evidence • On North America’s grasslands, early American Indians, Paleoindians, hunted horses, camels, bison, elephants, mammoths, and giant sloths.. o Paleoindians used tools based on the Clovis tradition for no more than 450 years (13,250–12,800 B.P.), although there are contemporaneous non-Clovis sites as well. The technology consisted of a point fastened to a hunting spear. It is unknown whether the spread of this tradition involved migration or merely the diffusion of a superior technology. o There is substantial archaeological evidence for pre-Clovis occupation of the New World, including a site in Chile dating to 14,800 B.P. IX. Peopling the Pacific • Although people may have reached Sahul (Australia and New Guinea) by 65,000 years ago, it was not until 3,000 years ago that people attempted to settle the Pacific Islands east of the Solomon Islands. o This movement seems to have been connected with the diffusion of Lapita pottery, the first known pottery in the region. • Many scholars see this pottery as the creation of a distinct ethnic group who spread their pottery, distinctive stone tools, beads, rings, and shell ornaments across the Pacific. o The Lapita people eventually became the Polynesians. • The reasons for the emergence of Lapita and its expansion are unclear. o Some suspect the introduction of Southeast Asian food sources such as dogs, pigs, and chickens played a role. • Improvements in seafaring technology allowed those who used Lapita pottery to reach Tonga between 2,950 and 2,850 years ago—the earliest known settlement in Polynesia. o This island might then have served as a staging ground for further expansion.• Propelling the Polynesian diaspora were improvements in outrigger canoes that allowed navigators to sail across large stretches of open sea. o Eventually covering one-fourth of the Pacific, Polynesia became the last large area of the world to be settled by humans. • DNA and linguistic evidence point to the settlement of Polynesia by Austronesian settlers who sailed from Southeast Asia, intermingling with Melanesians and exchanging genes and cultural traits in the process. o They brought Southeast Asian architecture (houses on stilts) and foods. o Out of their contact and interaction emerged the Lapita pottery style. • This evidence strikes a blow at the myth of the primitive isolate. Human diversity is as much a product of contact as of isolation.

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chapter 1


I. Introduction: Understanding Ourselves • Many of the foods we associate with the Americas were domesticated in other parts of the world. • Domestication occurred some 11,000 years ago in both the Old World and the Americas. However, the different plants and animals available for domestication led to different developmental trajectories. o For instance, the lack of beasts of burden meant that the New World wheel (invented in ancient Mexico) was used in toys but never for transportation. II. Broad-Spectrum Economies • During the broad-spectrum revolution (around 15,000 B.P. in the Middle East and 12,000 B.P. in Europe), a wider range of plant and animal life was hunted, gathered, collected, caught, and fished. o In the Middle East, this led to food production. A. The Mesolithic in Europe • The broad-spectrum revolution in Europe includes the later Upper Paleolithic and the Mesolithic, which followed it. • Because of the long history of European archaeology, knowledge of the European Mesolithic is extensive. o Microliths are small stone tools that are typical of Mesolithic technology and tell us a lot about the total economy and way of life of the people who made them. o The technology reflects the shift from a focus on herd game hunting—since these animals had moved north following the glacial retreat—to more varied and specialized activities. o New hunting techniques, the development of food preservation methods, the spread of the bow and arrow, and the use of dogs as retrievers all occurred during the Mesolithic. o The domestication of dogs occurred in two phases: the first in China around 33,000 years ago and the second around 15,000 years ago when dogs startedspreading around the world. B. Developments in Asia, Including Early Pottery Japan’s Jomon Culture • Broad-spectrum foraging economies were also emerging in Asia by 15,000 B.P. o The Jomon people (16,000–2500 B.P.) hunted deer, pigs, bears, and antelope; gathered plants and nuts; ate fish and shellfish; and used pottery to cook and serve stews. • The world’s oldest pottery was made by foragers rather than farmers. o Jomon clay pots, used socially, date back 15,300 years. Earlier in China, Later in the Middle East • The world’s oldest known pottery, dated to 20,000 B.P. and consisting of simple vessels used for cooking food, is from Jiangxi Province in southern China. Plant cultivation did not reach China for another 10,000 years. o In the Middle East, the first pottery appeared 3,000–2,000 years after, rather than before, the turn to farming. Ancient Clay Baby Bottles • Given pottery’s early history, it should come as no surprise that Europeans were making special-purpose clay vessels by 5,000 B.P. • Archaeologist Julie Dunne (2019a; 2019b) describes her team’s analysis of small, spouted clay vessels that she identifies as ancient baby bottles. • Organic residue analysis of these bottles shows that these small vessels had once contained milk from cows, sheep, or goats. III. The Neolithic • The Neolithic Revolution (also known as the Agricultural Revolution) was the widespread transition (beginning about 12,000 years ago) of human societies from lifestyles based on foraging to lifestyles based on farming and herding. o The transition from Mesolithic to Neolithic occurs when groups become dependent on domesticated plants, animals, and animal products. o The new total economies of the Neolithic fueled population growth and expansion, as well as the settlement of new environments. • The archeological signature of Neolithic cultures include dependence on cultivation,sedentary (settled) life, and the use of ceramic vessels. IV. The First Farmers and Herders in the Middle East • The shift toward the Neolithic was under way in the Middle East by the start of the geological epoch known as the Holocene, 11,700 B.P. o By 7500 B.P., most Middle Easterners had transitioned to specialized, Neolithic economies based on domesticated species. • Kent Flannery proposed a series of stages in the transition to farming. o An era of seminomadic hunting and gathering (12,000–10,200 B.P.) gave way to an era of early dry farming (farming dependent on rainfall rather than irrigation) and caprine (goat and sheep) domestication (10,200–7500 B.P.). o By 5500 B.P., more productive varieties of wheat and barley, along with cattle and pigs, had been domesticated. The technology had taken root in communities along the alluvial plain of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, which would produce walled towns and cities. A. The Environmental Setting: A Vertical Economy • Middle Eastern food production arose in the context of four environmental zones: high plateau, hilly flanks, piedmont steppe (treeless plain), and alluvial desert. o The Middle East’s vertical economy meant close but contrasting environmental zones could be exploited. o Foragers followed game from zone to zone and could harvest wild grains as they moved up to the hilly flanks and high plateau after winter’s end. o The environmental zones were also linked through trade. o Selection and transport of seeds to new habitats eventually led to domestication. B. Steps toward Food Production • Particularly in the hilly flanks areas, habitual harvesting of wild grains was facilitated by climate change, which generated a new abundance of wild plants and animals. o Foragers could adopt sedentism—settled life in villages. Natufian Sedentism • A prime example of this early sedentism is the widespread Natufian culture (15,000– 11,700 B.P.), which was based on broad-spectrum foraging. o Settlements show permanent architectural features and evidence of the processing and storage of wild grains.The Earliest Bread Making • Evidence for the world’s earliest known bread comes from another Natufian site, Shubayqa 1 in Jordan. • A team from the University of Copenhagen, Denmark, excavated two circular buildings with stone floors, occupied between 14,500 and 11,700 B.P. • The ancient Natufian bread makers made flour by grinding wild barley, wheat, and oat, along with tubers from an aquatic plant belonging to the papyrus family. Beyond the Optimal Zone • Robert J. Braidwood had proposed food production began in the hilly flanks, where grains were abundant; but in fact, food production began in marginal areas, such as the piedmont steppe. o There was greater incentive for experimentation where wild foods were more sparsely available. • A drying trend around 11,000 B.P. shrank the zone of abundant wild grain. Villages formed near permanent water sources. C. Genetic Changes and Domestication • Humans gradually selected the seeds of certain plants that could more easily be harvested and prepared for eating. o In wild grains, the axis—the stem connecting the seed to the stalk—is brittle, which allows the grain to reseed itself easily, and the tough husk is difficult to remove. o Compared with wild plants, domesticated plants (or cultivars) have larger seeds, produce a larger yield, and have lost their natural seed dispersal mechanisms. • People also selected traits in animals. o While plants got larger with domestication, animals got smaller, likely because smaller animals are easier to control. o Humans selected woolly animals from among wild sheep (which are not normally woolly), thus acquiring livestock better suited to lowland heat and from which to obtain wool. o By selectively culling wild animal populations, ancient Middle Easterners gradually converted prey into herd animals. D. The Origin of Private Property• Samuel Bowles and Jung-Kyoo Choi have proposed that private property co-evolved with the transition from foraging to food production. o When resources are wild, dispersed, or mobile, a common property system works best. o With food production, individuals and families began to work, claim, and exclude others from fields and livestock. o The sharing-focused value system of foragers may have initially prevented innovative efforts to farm, since individual labor would not have been individually rewarded. • Sedentism made it easier to demarcate resources such as dwellings and storage pits, leading to the emergence of property rights. • Ultimately, a community of farmers could out-produce foragers. E. Food Production and the State • Through food production, former marginal zones became centers of the new economy and of population increase and emigration. People eventually intensified production by cultivating in the hilly flanks as wild yields were no longer sufficient for the increasing population. • In the Tigris–Euphrates alluvial desert plain (Mesopotamia), cultivation required irrigation, which began around 7000 B.P. • By 6000 B.P., irrigation systems had become more complex and were associated with a new political system, the state—based on a central government, extreme contrasts of wealth, and social classes. V. Other Old World Food Producers • The path from foraging to food production was one that people followed independently in at least seven world areas: the Middle East, northern China, southern China, sub-Saharan Africa, central Mexico, the south central Andes, and the eastern United States. (See Figure 11.3.) • In the Old World, food production soon began to spread out from the Middle East. o This happened through trade; through the diffusion of plants, animals, products, and information; and through the actual migration of farmers. A. The Neolithic in Africa • Nabta Playa, a site in southern Egypt, was first occupied around 12,000 B.P., but evidence for the earliest settlements of camps of domesticated cattle herders dates to 11,000–9300 B.P.o Nabta Playa is early evidence of the “African cattle complex” in which cattle are used economically for their milk and blood, rather than killed for their meat. • By 9000 B.P., the site was occupied year-round; plant remains indicate that the inhabitants collected wild sorghum, millet, legumes, tubers, and fruits. • By 8100 B.P., sheep and goats diffused in from the Middle East, and by around 7500 B.P., new settlers had occupied the site, introducing a more elaborate social and ceremonial system. • The findings at Nabta Playa indicate the presence of elaborate ceremonies and social complexity, during the African Neolithic, that involved the seasonal slaughter of cattle for ceremonial purposes; a “calendar circle” marking the summer solstice; and a large, complex megalithic structure of upright stone slabs. B. The Neolithic in Europe • Evidence found by Scandinavian scientists suggests that migrating farmers spread their crops and technology across Europe from the Mediterranean beginning around 8,500 years ago. • Around 8000 B.P., communities along the Mediterranean, in Greece, Italy, and France, shifted from foraging to farming, using imported species. • By 6000 B.P., Europe had thousands of farming villages, from as far east as Russia to as far west as northern France. • The DNA of Europeans changed significantly after the introduction of farming. o The changes affected digestion, skin color, and height. C. The Neolithic in Asia • By 8000 B.P., domesticated goats, sheep, cattle, wheat, and barley were present in Pakistan. Ancient cities emerged in the Indus River Valley slightly later than did the first Mesopotamian city-states. • Two independent transitions to food production, based upon different crops grown in strikingly different climates, occurred in China. o By 7500 B.P., two varieties of millet supported early farming communities in northern China along the Huang He (Yellow River). People in northern China had domesticated dogs, pigs, and possibly cattle, goats, and sheep by 7000 B.P. o Rice was domesticated in southern China along the Yangtze River as early as 8400 B.P. o Food production was supporting large and stable villages in both areas by 7500 B.P. • Food production seems to have arisen independently in seven places. Sometimes the same species was independently domesticated in more than one place. However, there were also unique domesticates in each region. VI. The First American Farmers A. Key Aspects of Food Production in the Americas • In contrast to the practice in the Old World, large game animals were not domesticated in the New World, and domesticated animals were not as important to the economy. o The largest New World animal ever domesticated was the llama in Peru around 4500 B.P. o The turkey was domesticated in the southwestern United States and Mesoamerica (Mexico, Guatemala, and Belize). o The dog is the only animal that was domesticated throughout the New World. • Staple crops in the New World included maize, potatoes, and manioc. Beans and squash—one of the first domesticates—were also important parts of the diet. Secondary crops included beans and squash. • Food production was independently invented in at least three areas of the Americas: Mesoamerica, the eastern United States, and the south central Andes. B. The Tropical Origins of New World Domestication • Microscopic evidence from early cultivars has confirmed that New World farming began in South America’s tropical lowlands. o By about 7,000 years ago, early farming techniques were diffusing from tropical lowlands into drier regions at higher elevations. • Observing the larger size of phytoliths from cultivated squashes and gourds, researchers found that these domesticates were grown in coastal Ecuador between 9,000 and 10,000 years ago. o By 7,000 years ago, farmers had expanded into nearby forests, which they cleared using slash-and-burn techniques. o Early farming ideas and techniques diffused from tropical lowlands into drier regions at higher elevations. • Molecular and genetic studies indicate that maize domestication took place in the tropical lowlands of southwestern Mexico. o The wild ancestor of maize is a wild grain called teosinte. o Teosinte today is a wild grass with hard kernels and no central stalk. Growing teosinte under environmental conditions similar to those of southwestern Mexico 13,000–10,000 years ago, Dolores Piperno found that teosinte much more closely resembled modern corn. o This phenotypical plasticity would have made the plant attractive to protofarmers. o Maize spread rapidly from tropical southwestern Mexico during the eighth millennium B.P. VII. Explaining the Neolithic • Several factors converged to make domestication happen and to promote its spread: o Sedentism (settling down), where species of plants and animals were locally available for foraging and eventual domestication, as seen among the ancient Natufians o Wild plants such as wheat, which required few genetic changes for domestication o A climate with high species diversity, which was favorable to the origin and spread of the Neolithic economy o Climate change, population growth, and the need to sustain life in marginal ecological zones • In North America, people domesticated some plant varieties, yet the local inventory of available plants and animals was too meager, necessitating continued hunting and gathering. o A full Neolithic economy and sedentism did not develop in these regions of the United States until maize diffused in from Mesoamerica, more than 3,000 years after the first domestication in the eastern United States. • Jared Diamond argues that the geography of the Old World facilitated the diffusion of plants, animals, technology, and information. o Crops in Eurasia were domesticated once and usually spread rapidly in an east–west direction, facilitated by climatic similarities across regions. o As compared to Eurasia, narrow east–west axes characterize the continents of Africa, North America, and South America. More radical climatic contrasts have hindered north–south diffusion. VIII. Costs and Benefits of Food Production • Food production generated enough surpluses for economic diversification and specialized trades to develop, providing the basis for commerce and trade by sea; new forms of political and social organization; and the emergence of numerous new creative forms, inventions, and skills. • However, in comparison with food production, foraging subsistence economies are less time consuming and are typically associated with a healthier human diet (more variety and less emphasis on carbohydrates and fats). • Communicable diseases, protein deficiency, and dental concerns increase with food production, particularly among sedentary population concentrations that rely upon cultivation. • Food production and the state are also associated with greater social inequality, intensified warfare, crime, and slavery. • Environmental degradation, particularly deforestation, also increased with food production.

Understanding Ourselves and Broad-Spectrum Economies

chapter 12


I. Introduction: Understanding Ourselves • State societies involve large differences in status, power, wealth, and privilege. These societies differ considerably from earlier forms of social organization associated with foraging economies. • State societies involve a marked division of labor with various specialists supported by a mass of ordinary citizens who provide them with the food necessary to sustain them and the labor necessary for their projects. • Although modern states generally do not draft their citizens for work or war, they share other similarities. They’re stratified, their people pay taxes, and ordinary citizens work a lot harder than foragers ever did. II. State Formation • A state is a form of social and political organization that has a formal, central government and social stratification—a division of society into classes. As Neolithic economies spread, new political entities, or polities, developed to manage them. o Chiefdoms were precursors to states, with hereditary, privileged leaders (chiefs) and a permanent political structure. ▪ The closer one is to the chief the greater one’s social importance, although it is a matter of degree rather than of kind. ▪ Chiefdoms lack the sharp class divisions that characterize states. o A state is a polity that has a formal, central government and social stratification—a division of society into classes. ▪ To deal with the development and spread of the Neolithic economy, systems of political authority arose to manage regulatory problems as a given population grew and its economy increased in scale and diversity. ▪ The first states had formed in Mesopotamia by 5500 B.P. and in Mesoamerica about 3,000 years later. o The term primary states refers to those that arose on their own, emerging from competition among chiefdoms. ▪ These first-generation states are known to have developed in Egypt, Mesopotamia, the Indus River Valley, northern China, Mesoamerica, and the Andes. o Multiple factors, taking effect over a long period of time, contributed to the formation of states. A. Regulation of Hydraulic Economies • In certain arid areas such as ancient Egypt or Mesopotamia, states emerged to manage systems of irrigation, drainage, and flood control (Wittfogel). • Water control increases agricultural production, which may fuel population growth. Having a larger population requires a political system able to regulate interpersonal and intergroup relations as well as the means of production. B. Regional Trade • All states have well-developed trade networks. States may arise to control and regulate key nodes in regional trade. • Long-distance trade was important in the formation of states in Mesopotamia, Mesoamerica, and Peru. C. Population, War, and Circumscription • Robert Carneiro saw three key factors interacting to promote state formation: environmental circumscription, population increase, and warfare. • Environmental circumscription may be physical or social. o Physically circumscribed environments include small islands, river plains, oases, and valleys with streams. o Social circumscription exists when neighboring societies block expansion, emigration, or access to resources. • This theory explains many, but not all, cases of state formation. For instance, it seems to explain state formation in the Andes. Highland Papua New Guinea, however, has had environmental circumscription, warfare, and increasing population, but the region has never been host to a state. • Key aspects of state formation are changes in patterns of control over resources, resulting in social stratification, and increasing regulatory concerns, fostering management by state machinery. • The changeover to a farming economy did not always lead to chiefdoms and states. III. Attributes of States • Six attributes can be used to distinguish states from earlier forms of society: A state controls a specific regional territory. o Early states had productive agricultural economies, supporting dense populations. ▪ Often, these populations were nucleated in cities. ▪ The agricultural economies usually involved some form of water control or irrigation. o Early states used tribute and taxation to accumulate, at a central place, the resources needed to support hundreds, or thousands, of specialists. o States are stratified into social classes (e.g., elites, commoners, and slaves). o Early states had imposing public buildings and monumental architecture, including temples, palaces, and storehouses. o Early states developed some form of record-keeping system, frequently a written script. IV. State Formation in the Middle East • By 6,000 B.P., population was increasing most rapidly in the alluvial plain of southern Mesopotamia. o Mesopotamia refers to the area between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers in what is now southern Iraq and southwestern Iran. o The growing population supported itself through irrigation and intensive river valley agriculture. o The first Middle Eastern towns appeared around 10,000 B.P. o By 5500 B.P., towns had grown into cities. The earliest city-states were Sumer (southern Iraq) and Elam (southwestern Iran). A. Urban Life • In early Middle Eastern settlements, houses of mud brick were built and rebuilt over generations. Tells, or mounds, grew from the debris. Jericho • The earliest known town was Jericho, in what is now Israel, first settled by Natufian foragers around 11,000 B.P. and later developing into a town of about 2,000 people. • Around 9000 B.P., the town of Jericho was destroyed. It was rebuilt later as a town with square houses with plaster floors and burial chambers beneath the floors. • Pottery reached Jericho around 8000 B.P. Çatalhöyük • Çatalhöyük, a site located in the central part of what is now Turkey, prospered through long-distance trade—especially of obsidian, which was used to make tools and ornaments. It was probably the largest settlement of the Neolithic, flourishing between 8000 and 7000 B.P. with a population of up to 10,000 people. • People lived in mud-brick dwellings that had separate areas for secular and ritual activities. • Ritual spaces were decorated with wall paintings centered on animals, danger, and death. • Two or three generations of a family were buried beneath their houses; and after two or three generations of burials, the dwelling was burned. • Çatalhöyük shows no signs of state-level sociopolitical organization. B. An Early Ritual Center • The earliest evidence for monumental architecture is found at Göbekli Tepe, in southeastern Turkey. • Göbekli Tepe was a ritual center of limestone blocks built by hunter-gatherers between about 11,600 B.P. and 8200 B.P. o Other known prehistoric megalithic sites, such as Stonehenge, were built much later and by chiefdoms rather than foragers. • The region offered plenty of wild game, fruits and nuts, migratory waterfowl, and dense stands of wheat. • Flint tools were used to carve massive T-shaped limestone pillars, many of which were carved with images of animals, which may refer to origin myths, along with what may be mythical ancestral figures. • These ritual houses were eventually abandoned and filled in with dirt. C. The Halafian and Ubaid Periods • Halafian pottery (7500–6500 B.P.) is an early, widespread pottery style, first found at Tell Halaf in the mountains of northern Syria. o The small number of Halafian ceramics found suggests that they were luxury goods associated with a social hierarchy. • Ubaid pottery (7000–6000 B.P.), discovered in the deep levels of the Mesopotamian cities of Ur, Uruk, and Eridu, diffused rapidly over a large area. o It was first found and identified at the site of Tell al-Ubaid, located in the southern part of what is now Iraq. o Ubaid pottery is associated with advanced chiefdoms and perhaps the earliest states. • Emerging urbanism dating back more than 6,000 years has been identified in northern Syria, including dwellings with hearths and other artifacts along with evidence of irrigated agriculture, long-distance trade, political leadership, and social differentiation. • Political unrest and war have impeded archaeological research in sites in Iraq and Syria. D. Social Ranking and Chiefdoms • The anthropologist Morton Fried (1960) divided societies into three types (egalitarian, ranked, and stratified) based on the kinds of status distinctions within society. • Egalitarian societies are most typically found among foragers. o These societies lack status distinctions except for those based on age, gender, and individual qualities, talents, and achievements. o Status distinctions are usually not inherited. • Ranked societies have hereditary inequality but lack social stratification. o Individuals are often ranked according to their genealogical distance from the chief. o There are two kinds of ranked societies. ▪ Type 1: Individuals are ranked, but villages are independent of one another. ▪ Type 2: Both individuals and villages are ranked, and there is loss of village autonomy. Flannery has argued that only this second type should be called a chiefdom, because it is marked by differences in rank among both individuals and communities. • Stratified societies are characterized by social stratification—organization into sharp social divisions—based on unequal access to resources. o Class status in these societies is often hereditary. • Chiefdoms first appeared in the Middle East around 7300 B.P. o High-status people were buried with distinctive items, such as vessels, statuettes, necklaces, and high-quality ceramics. Such goods were buried with children too young to have achieved or earned prestige on their own. o Other clues of the existence of chiefdoms that arise from the archaeological record include the presence of a common canal to irrigate several villages and the emergence of a two-tier settlement hierarchy, with small villages clustering around a large village that has public buildings. E. Advanced Chiefdoms • Excavations at Tell Hamoukar dating back more than 5,500 years suggest that advanced chiefdoms arose in northern areas of the Middle East independently of developments in southern Mesopotamia. • The Tell Hamoukar site covers 32 acres that, by 5700 B.P., were enclosed by a defensive wall. • There is evidence at Tell Hamoukar of large-scale food storage and preparation, which indicates that its elites were hosting and entertaining in the manner of a chief. • Excavators have also uncovered an array of seals used to mark storage containers as well as stamp more elaborate goods with a mark of administrative authority. • A huge battle destroyed Tell Hamoukar around 5500 B.P. The site provides the earliest evidence of large-scale organized warfare in the Middle East. • Archaeological excavation at this and most other sites in Syria and Iraq has been halted by ongoing warfare. F. The Rise of the State • Early states emerged in the Middle East between 6000 and 5500 B.P. o Evidence includes monumental architecture, aqueducts, central storehouses, and written records. o By 5700 B.P., irrigation had allowed Ubaid communities to spread; travel and trade were expanding, and social differentiation increased. • The Uruk period (6000–5200 B.P.), named after a prominent city-state in southern Mesopotamia, is characterized by the appearance of the first major cities ruled by local kings. o This period established Mesopotamia as the “cradle of civilization.” • Writing originated in Sumer, in southern Mesopotamia, around 5600 B.P. o Writing was initially used to develop and handle administrative accounts and recordkeeping for a centralized economy, reflecting the needs of trade. o Both the Sumerian (southern Mesopotamia) and the Akkadian (northern Mesopotamia) languages were written in cuneiform, a style of writing in which wedge-shaped impressions were made on raw clay. o Mesopotamian priests managed herding, farming, manufacture, and trade; and after writing was invented, priests used cuneiform writing to keep track of temples’ economic activities. • Metallurgy is the knowledge of the properties of metals, including their extraction and processing and the manufacture of metal tools. o The discovery of smelting, the process of using high temperatures to extract pure metal from an ore, aided the rapid development of metallurgy after 5000 B.P. o The Bronze Age began when alloys of arsenic and copper, or tin and copper, became common and greatly extended the use of metals. o The Iron Age began once high-temperature iron smelting was mastered; in the Old World after 3200 B.P., the use of iron spread rapidly. • Large populations in Bronze Age Mesopotamia were densely concentrated in walled cities. o Secular authority replaced temple rule around 4600 B.P. o Land became private property that was bought and sold.o These societies had a well-defined class structure, with a complex stratification of nobles, commoners, and slaves. V. Other Early States A. Asian States • The Indus River Valley, located in modern northwestern India and Pakistan, was the site of a state that flourished between 4600 and 3900 B.P., incorporating at its peak 1,000 cities, towns, and villages, spanning 280,000 square miles. o The major cities, Harappa and Mohenjo-daro, exhibited urban planning with carefully laid out waste-water systems and residential sectors, as well as evidence of social stratification. o The writing system has yet to be deciphered. o The state collapsed, apparently through warfare, around 3900 B.P. • The first Chinese state was that of the Shang dynasty (3750 B.P.), which arose in the Huang He (Yellow) River area of northern China. o The Shang state was characterized by urbanism, palaces, human sacrifice, and distinct social classes. o The Shang had bronze metallurgy and an elaborate writing system, and in warfare they used chariots and took prisoners. • Other early states, including in the Peruvian Andes, also came to rely on metallurgy. o Andean civilization, like Mesoamerican state formation, was truncated by Spanish conquest. B. The Andes and the Inka • As in Mesopotamia and China, many other early civilizations came to rely on metallurgy. • A hemisphere away, in the Peruvian Andes, metalworking appeared around 4000 B.P. • Ancient Andeans were skilled workers of bronze, copper, and gold. • Andean civilizations culminated with the Inka empire (ca 1400–1532 C.E.), the largest in the Americas. • Andean civilization, like Mesoamerican state formation, was truncated by Spanish conquest. C. African States • Egypt developed as one of the world’s first states, with the Egyptian influence extending south along the Nile into what is now Sudan.• The emergence of several states in sub-Saharan Africa is associated with the diffusion of iron smelting, aided by the migrations of Bantu speakers that began around 2100 B.P. o The Mwenemutapa empire and, later, the Great Zimbabwe state, developed in what is now Zimbabwe. The Mwenemutapa kingdom emerged through powerful networks of trade. The capital city of the Great Zimbabwe state was protected by a stone enclosure. o The kingdoms of Ghana, Mali, Songhay, and Kanem-Bornu emerged in the Sahel region of western Africa, an area rich in gold, precious metals, ivory, and other resources that were extensively traded after 1250 B.P. o Cities in the Sahel also served as southern terminal points for trans-Saharan trade. The ancient kingdom of Ghana was the first of these states to form, with a capital at Kumbi Saleh. o Benin, which thrived in the 15th century C.E., developed in what is now southern Nigeria. Benin is known for its artistic creativity, expressed in terra-cotta, ivory, and brass sculpture. VI. State Formation in Mesoamerica A. Early Chiefdoms and Elites • The Olmec chiefdoms on Mexico’s southern Gulf Coast flourished between 3200 and 2500 B.P. o The chiefdoms’ centers consisted of large earthen mounds arranged around a central plaza, demonstrating their chiefs’ ability to harness human labor for large construction projects. o The Olmec also carved massive stone heads, perhaps as images of their chiefs or ancestors. • Long-distance trade routes linked the Olmec with other parts of Mesoamerica, such as the Oaxaca Valley in the southern highlands and the Valley of Mexico. • These chiefdoms expanded rapidly through intense competitive interaction. Around 3000 B.P., 25 or so separate and autonomous chiefly centers in Mexico were nevertheless sufficiently interactive and competitive to borrow and incorporate new ideas and innovations from other regions. • State formation involves one chiefdom incorporating several others into an emergent state that it then controls. Waging warfare and attracting followers are two key elements in state formation. B. Warfare and State Formation: The Zapotec Case • The first Mesoamerican state, the Zapotec state, arose in the Valley of Oaxaca. Zapotec was a chiefdom from about 500 B.C.E. to 100 B.C.E., and then a state from 100 B.C.E. to 700 C.E. o The city of Monte Albán served as its capital for 1,200 years. • Armed conflict in Oaxaca began as raiding, with no permanent acquisition of territory. The first evidence for organized conquest warfare in Oaxaca occurs simultaneously with evidence for emerging state organization. • As states emerge and grow, they develop an internally specialized administrative organization—a bureaucracy. o States typically have at least a four-level hierarchy of settlements. (Chiefdoms have no more than three.) o Conquest warfare helps the state build its bureaucracy. o To expand, a state must be able to send delegates to subjugate and rule in distant territories, suggesting the importance of administrative hierarchies. • The conquest of distant polities and bureaucratic growth were integral parts of the process of Zapotec primary state formation. o Surrounding the Main Plaza at Monte Albán were specialized buildings, including palaces, temples, and ball courts. Hieroglyphs on one building record how the Zapotec conquered regions to the north, west, and southwest, while certain areas to the east and south resisted. o Eventually, Monte Albán lost its prominence as other Zapotec centers challenged its authority. C. States in the Valley of Mexico • The city of Teotihuacán in the Valley of Mexico flourished between 100 and 700 C.E. • After 500 B.C.E., new maize varieties and small-scale irrigation appeared in the southern part of the Valley of Mexico, leading the population to increase and begin to spread north. • By the beginning of the common era, a settlement hierarchy—with communities of different size, function, and types of structures—had emerged. • The four-tiered settlement hierarchy here is considered evidence for state organization. • In the case of Teotihuacán, this pattern was associated with intensive, irrigation-based agriculture, status differentiation, and complex architecture. • After its peak (100–700 C.E.), Teotihuacán experienced a rapid decline in size and power, its population dispersed, and it was succeeded by the lesser Toltec state (900– 1200 C.E.) and then the Aztecs. • As agriculture intensified, trade networks expanded, and immigration brought greater population growth to the valley (1200–1520 C.E.), forming the basis for the Aztec state. o Trade was another factor in the renaissance of the Valley of Mexico. The manufacture of luxury goods for export was an important part of the economy of the Aztec capital. VII. Why States Collapse • The factors that may contribute to state collapse include invasion, disease, famine, prolonged drought, and environmental degradation. o In ancient Mesopotamia, as water evaporated from irrigation canals, water-borne salts became concentrated in the fields, eventually creating a poisonous environment for plants. A. The Maya and Their Fall • The Maya state of the classic period flourished between 300 and 900 C.E. in parts of what are now Mexico, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Belize. • Archaeological clues to the Maya decline have been found at Copán in western Honduras. o Copán was the largest site in the southeastern region of the Maya area. o The last inscribed, but unfinished, monument has the date of 822 C.E.; the site was probably abandoned by 830 C.E. o Copán’s collapse has been linked to deforestation, erosion, and soil exhaustion linked to overpopulation and overfarming. At Copán, 80 percent of the buried skeletons show signs of anemia, and skeletal evidence suggests that malnourishment was experienced by all who lived there, including nobles. • Increased warfare and political competition also destabilized the Maya state. o The archaeological record shows an increased concern with fortifications just before the state’s collapse. o In this time period, some structures were burned, some sites were abandoned, and bodily remains show signs of violence. o Maya texts document competition and warfare between dynasties jockeying for position and power. ▪ Archeologists now believe that social, political, and military upheaval and competition have as much to do with Maya decline and abandonment of cities as do natural environmental factors.

Understanding State Societies

chapter 13


I. Introduction: Understanding Ourselves • While many associate anthropology only with digging up past civilizations, the discipline also encompasses those who study the language and culture of contemporary peoples. • In spite of the fact that the anthropological methods subsumed under the heading of “ethnography” were designed to study small-scale non-Western societies, anthropologists today apply these methods to almost every conceivable type of human group. • Archaeologists and biological anthropologists tend to be better known than cultural anthropologists. However, Margaret Mead was a famous cultural anthropologist who sought to help the U.S. public understand the relevance of anthropology to their everyday lives. II. Ethnography: Anthropology’s Distinctive Strategy • Ethnographers try to understand the whole of a particular culture. o In pursuit of this holistic goal, ethnographers usually move from setting to setting, place to place, and person to person, drawing on varied techniques to piece together an understanding of lifestyles. A. Observation and Participant Observation • Ethnographers are trained to be aware of and record details in field notes from daily events, the significance of which may not become apparent until much later. o Often, they experience culture shock on arrival at a new field site. o Many record impressions in personal diaries kept separate from the more formal field notes. • Ethnographers strive to establish rapport—a good, friendly working relationship based on personal contact—with their hosts. • Participant observation, as practiced by ethnographers, has the researcher taking part in the activities he or she is observing and trying to understand themB. Conversation, Interviewing, and Interview Schedules • Participating in local life means that ethnographers constantly talk to people and ask questions. • One data-gathering technique involves an ethnographic survey that includes an interview schedule. • A survey provides a census and basic village information. o Unlike research done by other social scientists, this survey research does not involve sampling. o An attempt is made to talk to the total population, i.e., to have a total sample. • The interview schedule involves talking face-to-face with people, while questionnaire procedures tend to be more impersonal. o The interview schedule can help gather comparable quantifiable information from which patterns and exceptions can be discerned. o The interview schedule should provide a structure that directs but does not confine researchers. • Ethnography can be both quantitative (basic information gathered and later analyzed statistically) and qualitative (through follow-up questions, open-ended discussions, pauses for gossip, and work with key consultants). C. The Genealogical Method • The genealogical method is a well-established ethnographic technique of diagramming kin connections, developed as a formalized means of comparing what are called kinbased societies. D. Key Cultural Consultants • Key cultural consultants, also called key informants, are individuals who by experience, talent, or training are particularly knowledgeable about certain aspects of the life of their culture and may thus provide an ethnographer with some of the most complete and helpful information in an ethnographic research project. E. Life Histories • Life histories are narratives of a person’s life experiences audio- or video-recorded for further analysis. • Life histories reveal how specific people perceive, react to, and contribute to changes that affect their lives. • Since life histories indicate how different people interpret and deal with similar issues, they can be used to illustrate and consider the diversity that exists within any community. • Many ethnographers include the collecting of life histories as an important part of their research strategy. F. Problem-Oriented Ethnography • Most ethnographers address a specific problem or set of problems in their research. • Examples of problem-oriented research include various impact studies done by anthropologists, such as the impact of television, the Internet, education, drought, a hurricane, or a change in government on a particular community or society. G. Longitudinal Studies, Team Research, and Multisited Ethnography • Longitudinal research is the long-term study of an area or a population, usually based on repeated visits. • Longitudinal research has become increasingly common within ethnographic studies, as repeat visits to field sites have become easier through new systems of transportation. • Team research—coordinated research by multiple ethnographers—is common in with longitudinal studies. • Ethnography today is increasingly multitimed and multisited—studying people through time and in multiple places. o Such studies recognize the external entities that lay claim to land, people, and resources throughout the world; the effects of power differentials on cultures; and the importance of diversity within cultures and societies. • Anthropologists also increasingly study people in motion—nomads, seasonal migrants, homeless and displaced people, immigrants, and refugees. III. Ethnographic Perspectives A. Emic and Etic • An emic approach—from the perspective of a member of the culture being studied— investigates how people such as a key informant think, categorize the world, express thoughts, identify experiences and issues of significance, and interpret rules for behavior. • An etic approach—from the viewpoint of one outside the culture being studied— emphasizes the categories, interpretations, and features of social life that the anthropologist considers important. • Ethnographers combine the emic and etic approaches in their research.B. Online Ethnography • Several contemporary ethnographers have researched gaming-oriented online environments such as Second Life, World of Warcraft, Dreamscape, and Myst Online: Uru Live. Each of these virtual worlds has developed its own culture, allowing online ethnographers to observe and describe various forms of play, performance, creativity, and ritual. • Online ethnographers sometimes travel to observe how real-world cultures influence participation in virtual worlds. • Virtual research employs techniques similar to those used by other ethnographers. IV. Survey Research • Anthropologists working in large-scale societies are increasingly using survey methodologies to complement the more traditional ethnographic techniques. o Survey research involves drawing a study group or sample from the larger population, then collecting data from it and performing statistical analyses on the data. o By studying a properly selected, representative sample, social scientists can make accurate inferences about the larger population. o In order to detect, measure, and compare the influence of many predictor variables (social indicators), many contemporary anthropological studies employ a statistical foundation. • Survey research is considerably more impersonal than is the practice of traditional ethnography. o Respondents answer a series of formally administered questions. o In a random sample, all members of a population have an equal statistical chance of being chosen for inclusion. • See Recap 13.1 for a concise summary of the major differences between survey research and traditional ethnography. • The hallmark of ethnography remains: Anthropologists enter the community and get to know the people. V. Doing Anthropology Right and Wrong: Ethical Issues • Ethical issues must be a prime consideration in anthropological research. • Informed consent must be obtained from anyone who might be affected by the research. • Anthropologists should try to do the following: o Include host country colleagues in research planningEstablish collaborative relationships with host country institutions o Include host country colleagues in dissemination, including publication, of research results o Ensure the host country benefits in some way from the research A. The Code of Ethics • The American Anthropological Association’s Code of Ethics is a guide for anthropologists to help them fulfill their obligations and to prevent harm to their scholarly field, their research subjects, and the environment. o The primary obligation is to do no harm to the people being studied. o Anthropologists should inform all parties affected by their research about the nature, goals, procedures, potential impacts, and sources of funding for research. o Researchers should establish proper relationships with the countries and communities where they work. B. Anthropologists and Terrorism • The American Anthropological Association (AAA) considers it of “paramount importance” that the roots of terrorism and violence be studied; however, several ethical issues may arise. • As an example, the Pentagon’s Human Terrain System (HTS) program has used anthropologists to do research for the U.S. military. Ethical concerns raised by these activities include the following: o It may be impossible for anthropologists to properly identify themselves to those they are studying. o Anthropologists’ responsibilities to their military units may conflict with their obligations to those they are studying. o Research participants may feel coerced to give informed consent even if “voluntary.” o Information supplied by anthropologists may result in targeting specific groups for military action, which goes against the Code of Ethics’ stipulation to do no harm. o Identification of anthropologists with the U.S. military could compromise anthropologists working elsewhere in the world. VI. Theory in Anthropology Over Time A. Nineteenth-Century Evolutionism Lewis Henry Morgan, an important founder of anthropology, was not a professionally trained anthropologist. o His first book about the Seneca and other Iroquois tribes was anthropology’s earliest ethnography. o His second influential book, Ancient Society, is a key example of 19th-century evolutionism applied to society. o Morgan’s theory of unilinear evolutionism assumed that all societies developed along a single line or path, from savagery to barbarism to civilization. • Sir Edward Burnett Tylor also came to anthropology through personal experience. o His two-volume work, Primitive Culture, offered an influential and enduring definition of culture and proposed it as a topic to be scientifically studied. o The second volume, Primitive Religion, offered a theory of unilinear evolutionism pertaining to religion: animism, polytheism, monotheism, and science. • Both Tylor and Morgan were interested in survivals: practices that survive from earlier evolutionary stages. B. Historical Particularism • Franz Boas is the founder of American four-field anthropology. His work contributed to cultural, linguistic, and biological anthropology. o Boas showed that human biology could be changed by the environment, including cultural forces. • Boas and colleagues developed the idea of historical particularism, which said any cultural form could develop for all sorts of reasons. • Historical particularism was based on the idea that each element of culture had its own distinctive history and that social forms that might look similar were far from identical because of their different histories. It rejected comparison and generalization. • The Boasians also discussed the idea of diffusion (cultural borrowing) as an alternative to—but not a denial of—independent invention, which supporters of evolutionism cited as proof of their theory. • To Boasians, historical particularism and diffusion were complementary. C. Functionalism • Functionalism focuses on the role of culture traits and practices in contemporary society. o The two main strands of functionalism are associated with Alfred Bronislaw Malinowski and Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown. MalinowskiMalinowski developed two major ideas related to functionalism: o All customs and institutions in a given society are integrated and interrelated, so each is a function of the other. A corollary to this point was that an ethnographer could begin anywhere and eventually get at the rest of the culture. o Humans have a set of universal biological needs, and customs develop to fulfill those needs—a theory known as needs functionalism. Radcliffe-Brown and Structural Functionalism • Radcliffe-Brown believed that all historical statements about nonliterate peoples were conjectural. Since one could never hope to discover their histories, anthropologists should instead focus on the role that particular practices play in the life of societies today. • He advocated the study of societies as they exist today (synchronic) rather than across time (diachronic). • Structural functionalism, as associated with Radcliffe-Brown and Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard, says that customs function to preserve the social structure. o Like anatomical and physiological systems, the system has a structure whose parts work to maintain the whole. • Some functionalist models have been criticized for a tendency to see things as functioning to maintain the system only in the most optimal way possible. The Manchester School • A group of anthropologists working at the University of Manchester focused on how rebellion and conflict were dissipated and resolved, thus maintaining the system. Contemporary Functionalism • Functionalism persists in the widely accepted view that there are social and cultural systems that are functionally related and that some elements are more important than others. D. Configurationalism • Developed by Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead, configurationalism sees culture as integrated, as does functionalism, but recognizes that when traits diffuse across cultures, there has to be a fit between the borrowing culture and the trait diffusing in; also, traits diffusing in are often reworked (indigenized) by the borrowing culture.• Benedict stressed that culture traits are uniquely patterned or integrated. • Mead focused on the various patterns of enculturation, stressing the plasticity of human nature. E. Evolutionism Returns • In the 1950s, U.S. anthropologists Leslie White and Julian Steward argued that cultural evolutionism had been unfairly dismissed. • In an approach that has been called general evolution, White claimed that culture as a whole did evolve, as Tylor and Morgan had claimed, though not necessarily in a unilinear fashion. o White considered energy capture to be the main engine of cultural evolution. Cultural advance could be measured by the amount of energy harnessed per capita per year in a society. • Steward proposed a theory of multilinear evolution; that is, that cultures evolve along several different lines. o Steward was also a pioneer in the field called cultural ecology (ecological anthropology), which pays particular attention to the relationships between cultures and their environments. o He saw technology and the environment as the main causes of cultural change. o The culture core was the combination of environmental and economic factors that determined the overall configuration of society. F. Cultural Materialism • Marvin Harris proposed cultural materialism as a theoretical paradigm that described all societies as having the following three parts, each of which arose from the previous level. o Infrastructure (technology, economics, and demography) o Structure (social relations, forms of kinship and descent, patterns of distribution and consumption) o Superstructure (religion, ideology, play) • Harris insisted that anthropology is a science and that it has as its goal to seek explanations—relations of cause and effect. G. Cultural Determinism: Culturology, the Superorganic, and Social Facts • White also described cultural anthropology as a science, which he called culturology. o White believed that cultural forces were so powerful that individuals could make little difference in the outcome of events.o He disputed what was then called the “great man theory of history,” which claimed that individuals were responsible for epochal changes and discoveries, and cited the constellation of cultural forces as being responsible. o He said that in certain historical periods, conditions were right for the expression of creativity and greatness, claiming the simultaneity of discoveries as proof. • Alfred Kroeber described the realm of culture the superorganic, as distinguished from the organic and inorganic, as an area equally worthy of study. • In France, Émile Durkheim proposed a new social science based on the idea of the conscience collectif—similar to Kroeber’s superorganic and White’s culturology—as a phenomenon to be studied. o This new science would be based on the study of social facts, as distinct from facts about individuals. o Durkheim was a prominent early figure in both anthropology and sociology. H. Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology • Victor Turner and Mary Douglas pioneered symbolic anthropology, the study of symbols in their social and cultural context. • Clifford Geertz was the main advocate of interpretive anthropology, which says that during enculturation, individuals internalize a previously established system of meanings and symbols and use this to define their world, express their feelings, and make their judgments. o Interpretive anthropology approaches cultures as texts whose meanings must be deciphered in particular cultural and historical settings. I. Structuralism • Claude Lévi-Strauss’s name is the one most commonly associated with structuralism. • Lévi-Strauss’s structuralism rests on the belief that human minds have certain universal characteristics that originate from the common features of the brain of Homo sapiens. • He says that these common mental structures lead people everywhere to think similarly, regardless of their society or cultural background. o One universal mental characteristic is the need to classify: to impose order on aspects of nature, on people’s relation to nature, and on relations between people. J. Processual Approaches Agency • Recently, anthropologists have come to see culture as something that is continually created and reworked in the present. • Agency refers to the actions that individuals take in forming and transforming culture. Practice Theory • Practice theory focuses on how individuals have diverse motives, intentions, and degrees of power and influence, and how these differences influence and transform the world around them. • This theory recognizes a reciprocal relation between culture and the individual. Edmund Leach • Some of the germs of practice theory can be traced to British anthropologist Edmund Leach. • In his work with the Kachins of Burma, Leach focused on how individuals work to achieve power and how their actions can transform society. K. World-System Theory and Political Economy • Since World War II, anthropology has often turned away from so-called primitive and nonindustrial societies to focus on contemporary societies, which were often forged by colonialism and have been participating in the modern world system. • One focus of this work has been on political economy—the web of interrelated economic and power relations. • This area of study demonstrates the movement of anthropology toward an interdisciplinarity, drawing on such other fields as sociology and history. L. Culture, History, Power • Recent approaches in historical anthropology have focused on local agency, the transformative actions of individuals and groups within colonized societies. • Archival work has provided important information on the interactions of colonizers and the colonized. • Current work is being done on systems of power, domination, accommodation, and resistance. • See Recap 13.2 for a timeline and key works in anthropological theory. VII. Anthropology Today• The single dominant trend in anthropology since the 1960s has been that of increasing specialization. o The four subfields of anthropology are growing increasingly divergent in their theoretical underpinnings. o Ethnography has also become more specialized, with the anthropologist having a specific problem in mind, rather than a desire to present a holistic view of a certain community. • The AAA now has all sorts of active and vital subgroups. (See Table 13.1.) • Anthropology has also witnessed a crisis in representation regarding impartiality and validity.

Anthropology and Ethnography

chapter 15


I. Introduction: Understanding Ourselves • Most people have different identities in different contexts. This is called the situational negotiation of social identity. • Today, an individual’s identity is not always constrained by his or her physical attributes, as those of his or her ancestors once were. People can use modern communications technology to selectively reveal themselves to others and manipulate what they want them to think they are. II. Ethnic Groups and Ethnicity • Members of an ethnic group share certain beliefs, values, habits, customs, and norms because of their common background. o The members of an ethnic group may define themselves as different and special through the cultural distinctions of language, religion, historical experience, geographic placement, kinship, and “race.” o Ethnicity means the identification with, and sense of feeling part of, an ethnic group and exclusion from certain other groups because of this affiliation. A. Status and Identity • Cultural differences may be associated with ethnicity, class, region, religion, or other social variables. In a complex society, people constantly negotiate their social identities, emphasizing affiliation with these different identities at different times. • For social scientists, status generally refers to the various positions that people occupy in society. o Some statuses are ascribed, meaning that people have little or no choice about occupying them (e.g., age, race, and gender). o Achieved statuses, in contrast, come through choices, actions, efforts, talents, or achievements and may be positive or negative (e.g., salesperson, convicted felon, and mother). • Few statuses are absolutely ascribed. o Transgender individuals, for example, modify the gender status they wereassigned at birth or during childhood. B. American Ethnic Groups • Often status is contextual. Adjusting or switching one’s status in reaction to different social contexts is called the situational negotiation of social identity. o Members of an ethnic group may shift their ethnic identities. C. Minority Groups and Stratification • Minority groups are so called because they occupy subordinate (lower) positions within a social hierarchy; minority groups may have less power and less secure access to resources than do majority groups. • Minority groups are obvious features of stratification in the United States. o Data from 2018 confirms the unequal stratification of minority groups in the U.S. based on poverty levels. III. Race and Ethnicity • When an ethnic group is assumed to have a biological basis—distinctively shared “blood” or genes—it is called a race; discrimination against such a group is called racism. o Race, like ethnicity in general, is actually a cultural category rather than a biological reality. o Ethnic groups, including races, derive from contrasts perceived and perpetuated in particular societies, rather than from scientific classifications based on common genes. • In daily conversation, some Americans incorrectly use the terms ethnicity and race interchangeably. One example is the frequency with which the term race is used to refer to Hispanics, who, in fact, can be of any race. IV. The Social Construction of Race • The so-called races referred to in daily discourse are cultural or social rather than biological categories. A. Hypodescent: Race in the United States • Although race isn’t based on biology or simple ancestry, most Americans acquire their racial identity at birth. o The rule of descent is arbitrary and assigns social identity on the basis of ancestry.• Offspring of racially mixed unions have been placed automatically in the minority group, an example of the process called hypodescent. o Hypodescent divides American society into groups that are unequal in their access to wealth, power, and prestige. B. Race in the Census • The U.S. Census Bureau has been gathering data by race since 1790; the 2020 census asked about both race and Hispanic origin. • Attempts to add a “multiracial” category to the U.S. Census have been opposed by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the National Council of La Raza because of how it would impact access to resources, jobs, and political representation. • The number of respondents making the choice of “some other race” in the U.S. Census tripled in the period from 1980 to 2010. o This shift suggests an imprecision in and dissatisfaction with the existing categories. o The number and recognition of interracial marriages and interracial, biracial, and multiracial children in the United States is increasing. • Rather than race, the Canadian census asks about “visible minorities.” • In both Canada and the United States, the visible minority population has been growing much faster than the overall population. C. Not Us: Race in Japan • Despite the presence of a substantial minority population (estimated at 10 percent of the total population), the dominant racial ideology of Japan describes the country as racially and ethnically homogeneous. o Aboriginal Ainu, annexed Okinawans, outcast burakumin, children of mixed marriages, and immigrant nationalities—especially Koreans, who number more than 700,000—constitute minority populations. • To describe racial attitudes in Japan, Jennifer Robertson (1992) used Kwame Anthony Appiah’s (1990) term intrinsic racism—the belief that a (perceived) racial difference is a sufficient reason to value one person less than another. • Majority Japanese are believed to share “the same blood.” Biracial Japanese • Naomi Osaka, the daughter of a Haitian American father and a Japanese mother, became the first Japanese-born tennis player to win a Grand Slam championship.Her victory was widely celebrated in Japan as one for that country. • Many biracial people in Japan still feel undervalued. One term applied to them is hafu, derived from the English word “half”—a label that implies “not whole,” incomplete, or “less than.” Burakumin • While dominant Japanese perceive the construction of race to be based upon biology, an examination of the category of burakumin provides evidence to the contrary. • Burakumin is a stigmatized group of some 3 million outcasts, sometimes compared to India’s untouchables. • Despite the fact that burakumin are genetically and physically indistinguishable from the dominant population, they are treated as a different race. • Burakumin are residentially segregated in rural or urban neighborhoods called buraku, from which the racial label is derived. • Burakumin are less likely than majority Japanese to finish high school and college. Their addresses mark them for discriminatory treatment. • Like Blacks in the U.S., the burakumin are internally stratified, meaning there are class constraints within the group; discrimination against the burakumin is strikingly like the discrimination that Blacks have experienced in the U.S. • Although discrimination against nonmajority Japanese is still the rule, Japan has dismantled the legal structure of discrimination against the burakumin. D. Phenotype and Fluidity: Race in Brazil • Although Brazil shares a history of slavery with the United States, the social construction of race in Brazil is very different from race in the United States and Japan. • The Brazilian construction of race is attuned to relatively slight phenotypic differences. o More than 500 distinct racial labels have been reported. o The dominant Brazilian construction of race is more flexible than in the U.S. and Japan in that an individual’s racial classification—whether accorded by the person or others—may change as a result of achieved status, developmental biological changes, and other irregular factors. o The multiplicity and overlapping of Brazilian race labels allow one individual to be considered as of more than one race. o Scientists distinguish between genotype, or hereditary makeup, and phenotype— expressed physical characteristics. • The complex flexibility of Brazilian racial categories in a sociohistorical perspective has made racial discrimination less likely to occur there on the same scale than in the United States and Japan.• Race in Brazil is becoming less fluid in the context of international identity politics, rights movements, and access to strategic resources based on race. V. Ethnic Groups, Nations, and Nationalities • Today, the term nation has come to mean state—an independent, centrally organized political unit, or government. Nation-state refers to an autonomous political entity. o Most nation-states are not ethnically heterogeneous. A. Ethnic Diversity by Region • There is substantial regional variation in countries’ ethnic structures. For example, strong nation-states (such as many European countries) deliberately homogenize their populations to a common identity, whereas many African countries have no ethnic majority but many large minority groups. B. Nationalities without Nations • Nationalities are groups that now have, wish to have, or wish to regain autonomous political status. • Colonialism—the foreign domination of a territory—established a new series of multitribal and multiethnic states. • The new national boundaries that were created under colonialism often corresponded poorly with preexisting cultural divisions. • Colonialism also helped forge new identities that extended beyond nations and nationalities. An example of this is négritude (“Black identity”), which was developed by African intellectuals in Francophone West Africa. VI. Ethnic Tolerance and Accommodation A. Assimilation • Assimilation is the process of change when immigrant groups adopt the patterns and norms of their dominant host culture. • Assimilation is not uniform: it may be forced or seemingly chosen, depending on historical particularities; the degree to which people may assimilate varies widely. B. The Plural Society • Plural society refers to a multiethnic nation-state wherein ethnic groups do notassimilate but remain essentially distinct, in relatively stable coexistence. • Barth defines plural society as a society combining ethnic contrasts, ecological specialization, and the economic interdependence of ethnic groups. • Barth focused on the relationships between cultures. He argued that peaceful coexistence was possible, particularly when there was no competition for resources. C. Multiculturalism • Multiculturalism is the view of cultural diversity in a country as something good and desirable. • Multiculturalism is the opposite of assimilationism, which expects minority groups to take on the cultural practices and traditions of the dominant group while abandoning their own. o A multicultural society encourages the practice of cultural–ethnic traditions and seeks ways for people to understand and interact based not on sameness but on respect for differences. • The United States and Canada have become increasingly multicultural, focusing on their internal diversity. • Multiculturalism in North America is related to modern global migration, particularly out of “less developed countries.” D. The Backlash to Multiculturalism • Backlash to the election of the first African American president in the United States, President Barack Obama, began soon after his election and culminated in Donald Trump’s election as president in 2016. o Evidence includes the rise of the Tea Party with its rallying cry of “take our country back,” echoed by Trump’s campaign promise to “make America great again.” o Trump has advocated the deportation of undocumented immigrants and proposed various bans on the admission of Muslims to the United States. o Trump’s successful candidacy harnessed and expressed the backlash against the multicultural model of ethnic relations that has been gaining ground in the U.S. for the past few decades. VII. Changing Demographics in the United States • The 1970 census, the first to attempt an official count of Hispanics, found they represented no more than 4.7 percent of the American population. • By 2019, this figure had risen to 18.3 percent—more than 60 million Hispanics. The percentage of African Americans grew from 11.1 percent in 1967 to 13.4 percent in 2019, while (non-Hispanic) whites (“Anglos”) declined from 83 to 60.4 percent A. The Gray and the Brown • Brownstein and demographer William Frey, an author of the Brookings report, focus on two key U.S. demographic trends (see also Frey 2019): o Ethnic/racial diversity is increasing, especially among the young. o The country is aging, and most of the senior population is white. • Frey sees these trends as creating a “cultural generation gap”—a sharp contrast in the attitudes, priorities, and political leanings of younger and older Americans. • The history of U.S. national immigration policy helps one understand how the gap between the gray and the brown arose. o In 1965, Congress had loosened restrictions that resulted in an eventual influx of immigrants from southern Europe, Asia, Africa, the Caribbean, and Latin America B. The Gray Need the Brown • The gray and the brown are more interdependent economically than either usually realizes. • Minority children may benefit disproportionately from public education today, but minority workers will pay a growing share of the payroll taxes needed to sustain Social Security and Medicare in the future. • In terms of percentage, older Americans will constitute 23 percent of the population in 2060 versus about 16 percent today. • The aging of America explains why immigration is projected to overtake (probably around 2030) natural increase (the number of births over deaths) as the main engine that drives U.S. population growth. VIII. Ethnic Conflict • Ethnic differences—which can be rooted in political, economic, religious, linguistic, cultural, or racial differences—can lead to discrimination and violent interethnic confrontation. o Ethnic groups may compete economically and/or politically. • Much of the ethnic unrest in today’s world has a religious component, as with the different Muslim sects in the populations of Iraq and Syria. o The conflict in Syria has displaced at least half the country’s population, more than 5 million fleeing as refugees.A. Prejudice and Discrimination • Prejudice is the devaluation of a given group because of its assumed behavior, values, capabilities, or attributes. • Stereotypes are fixed ideas—often unfavorable—about what the members of a specific group are perceived to be like. • Discrimination refers to policies and practices that harm a group and its members. o Discrimination may be de jure (e.g., legally sanctioned segregation in the southern United States and apartheid in South Africa, both of which are no longer in existence) or de facto (racial profiling by police in the United States). B. Black Lives Matter • The “Black Lives Matter” movement arose in the United States in response to incidents in which Black lives have not seemed to matter to the police and other local officials. • It started after the acquittal of George Zimmerman, who had been accused of shooting an unarmed Black teen, Trayvon Martin. The movement arose as an effort to raise public awareness about the apparent devaluation of Black lives in the American judicial and law enforcement systems. • The movement has continued to grow not only in response to police shootings and brutality but also following the mass murder in 2015 of nine African American churchgoers in South Carolina by a white supremacist domestic terrorist. • Social media has been a prominent link in the #blacklivesmatter movement. • Critics’ contention that “all lives” should matter ignores the disproportionate likelihood of arrest, incarceration, and mistreatment by police that African Americans face. C. Anti-ethnic Discrimination • Fueling ethnic conflict are forms of anti-ethnic discrimination such as genocide, ethnocide, forced assimilation, and cultural colonialism. o Genocide refers to the deliberate elimination of an ethnic or religious group through mass murder. Examples include the Holocaust in Nazi Germany and, more recently, the government-supported killing of up to 30,000 darker-skinned Africans in the Darfur region of western Sudan. o Ethnocide, or the destruction of cultures of certain ethnic groups, may be attempted through forced assimilation. One example of forced assimilation is the anti-Basque campaign that Francisco Franco waged in Spain. o A policy of ethnic expulsion aims at removing groups who are culturally different from a country, as it occurred in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the 1990s.The deportation of the roughly 11 million undocumented immigrants in the United States would be a form of forced expulsion. o A policy of expulsion may create refugees—people who have been forced or have chosen to flee a country or left to escape persecution or war. o Cultural colonialism refers to internal domination by one group and its culture or ideology over others, as in the case of the domination of the former Soviet empire by the Russian people, language, culture, and communist ideology.

Understanding Ourselves: Flashcards

chapter 18


I. Introduction: Understanding Ourselves • While one may associate certain tasks with one particular gender, it is easy to find exceptions. • Even though gender roles have changed a lot in the last century, certain stereotypes remain. Images of sexually liberated women who work outside the home coexist uneasily with these lingering stereotypes. In fact, women are still underrepresented in many professions. • These stereotypes can influence the behavior of both genders. Women may feel the pressure to behave meekly to avoid seeming aggressive; men may feel the pressure to hide their feelings to avoid seeming weak. II. Sex and Gender • Questions about nature and nurture emerge in the discussion of human sex-gender roles and sexuality. • Sexual dimorphism, evident among humans, refers to marked differences in male and female biology (e.g., average height, weight, strength, and longevity) besides the primary and secondary sexual characteristics. • Sex refers to biological differences and gender to the cultural construction of whether someone is male, female, or something else. • Margaret Mead’s early ethnographic study of variation in gender roles found marked differences in male/female personality among three societies on the same island: the Arapesh, Mundugumor, and Tchambuli. o Both Arapesh men and women were mild, parental, responsive. o Both Mundugumor men and women were fierce and aggressive. o Tchambuli men were “catty,” wore curls, and went shopping, but Tchambuli women were energetic and managerial. • Definitions: o Gender roles are the tasks and activities a culture assigns by gender. o Gender stereotypes are oversimplified, strongly held views about the characteristics of males and females. o Gender stratification describes an unequal distribution of rewards (socially valued resources, power, prestige, human rights, and personal freedom) between men andwomen, reflecting their different positions in a social hierarchy. • In stateless societies, gender stratification is often more obvious in regard to prestige than to wealth. III. Recurrent Gender Patterns • Cross-culturally, certain activities can be done by men, women, or both (such as planting and harvesting), whereas some tasks are almost always assigned to men (such as hunting and working wood). o Exceptions to these cross-cultural generalizations may involve societies or individuals. • Cross-culturally, the subsistence contributions of men and women, in time and effort, are roughly equal. Women do slightly more; in domestic activities and child care, female labor predominates. o In about half the societies studied, men did virtually no domestic work. o Women had primary responsibility for young children in two-thirds of societies. • Polygyny (multiple wives) is much more common than polyandry (multiple husbands); men are much less restricted with regard to premarital and extramarital sex. IV. Gender Roles and Gender Stratification • Having roughly equal contributions to subsistence by men and women correlates with decreased gender stratification. o According to cross-cultural studies, men are usually hunters and warriors; among groups such as the Agta of the Philippines, women do some fishing and may hunt small animals. • The strong differentiation between the home and the outside world is called the domestic– public dichotomy or the private–public contrast. o The activities of the domestic sphere tend to be performed by women; the activities of the public sphere tend to be handled by men. o Often, when the domestic and public spheres are clearly separated, the public activities have greater prestige than do the domestic ones, which promotes gender stratification. o The domestic–public dichotomy is less developed among foragers than in other societies. • Certain gender roles are more sex-linked than others. o Men make better hunters and fighters because they are bigger and stronger and have a tendency toward greater mobility. o Pregnancy, childbirth, lactation, and carrying infants interfere with female mobility. o Among food producers, warfare and trade are two public arenas that can contribute to status inequality of males and females. A. Reduced Gender Stratification—Matrilineal–Matrilocal Societies • Matrilineal descent, which is common among horticulturalists, is descent traced through females; matrilocality is residence with a wife’s relatives after marriage. • Female status tends to be relatively high in matrilineal and matrilocal societies. • High female status is seen because descent-group membership, succession to political positions, allocation of land, and social identity come through female links. o Women are the basis of the entire social structure; much of the power and decision making may belong to the senior women. B. Matriarchy • If patriarchy is a political system ruled by men, then is matriarchy a political system run by women—or is it a system where women play a more prominent role than men do in social and political organization? • Peggy Reeves Sanday (2002) says a matriarchy does not feature women as disproportionately more powerful than men but as central figures in the social, economic, and ceremonial life, as among the Minangkabau of Sumatra, Indonesia. C. Increased Gender Stratification—Patrilineal–Patrilocal Societies • Kay Martin and Barbara Voorhies (1975) associate the spread of patrilineal–patrilocal societies with pressure on resources and increased local warfare. o As resources become scarcer, warfare may increase. o Societies with patrilineal descent trade descent through males only; in patrilocal societies, a woman moves to her husband’s village after marriage. o The patrilineal–patrilocal complex concentrates related males in villages, which solidifies their alliances for warfare. • This combination tends to enhance male prestige opportunities and to result in relatively high gender stratification, as among many societies in highland Papua New Guinea. o Women do most of the cultivation of subsistence crops, cooking, and raising and tending pigs but are largely excluded from relatively more prestigious roles in the public domain. o Men dominate the public domain by growing and distributing prestige crops, preparing food for feasts, arranging marriages, and trading pigs and controlling their use in ritual. o In densely populated areas of the Papua New Guinea highlands, male–female avoidance is associated with strong pressure on resources. More sparsely populated areas lack such taboos on male–female contacts. D. Patriarchy and Violence • Patriarchy describes a political system ruled by men in which women have inferior social and political status, including basic human rights. • Violence against women can stem from patriarchal systems, such as in cases of dowry murders, female infanticide, clitoridectomy, and domestic violence. o Malala Yousafi, an advocate for female education and the youngest person ever to receive the Nobel Peace Prize, is an example of cases when abuse fails in its attempt to silence female voices. • Family violence and the domestic abuse of women are widespread problems. • Abuse of women is more common in societies where women are separated from their supportive kin ties, living in isolated nuclear families and under patrilineal social forms. V. Gender in Industrial Societies A. Changes in Gendered Work • Changing attitudes about women’s work have reflected economic conditions and world events. o In the United States, for example, the “traditional” idea that “a woman’s place is in the home” developed as industrialism spread after 1900. • European immigration to the United States produced a male labor force willing to work for lower wages and in jobs that women might have previously held. • Following World War II, the number of women in paid employment increased in response to U.S. economic needs, population growth, the women’s movement, and other social changes. • It’s not mainly single women working today, as was the case in the 1950s. o Prior to the massive unemployment caused by COVID-19 in 2020, the U.S. laborforce participation rate of parents with children under age 18 was about 70 percent for mothers and 93 percent for fathers. o The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics defines the labor force participation rate as the percent of the population working or looking for work. B. Gender and Jobs • Automation and robotics have made jobs less demanding in terms of physical labor. Smaller average body size and lesser average strength among women are no longer impediments; heavy-goods manufacture has largely been abandoned in the U.S. workforce. • Since the 1960s, female levels of education and professional employment have been increasing. Women will soon comprise the majority of college-educated workers in the U.S. labor force. • Occupational segregation has been reduced substantially. • Female employment still lags in certain highly paid professions, such as computer science and engineering. C. Work and Family: Reality and Stereotypes • The increase in women working outside the home has led to changed ideas about male and female gender roles. o Fathers are increasingly taking on caregiving roles traditionally done by mothers. o Both men and women in the U.S. increasingly report that work interferes with family—not the other way around. o More than 40 percent of American mothers are the primary or sole source of income in their homes. • Material and cultural obstacles to men’s success at home persist. o Women still do much more domestic work than men do, and the average man still works longer hours outside the home and makes more money. o The stereotype of the incompetent male homemaker lingers. o Many American women maintain deeply entrenched stereotypes of their own homemaking superiority and criticize their husbands for not “doing things right.” o When women ask their husbands for “help” around the house or with the kids, they are affirming the feminine role as primary homemaker and child-care provider. • Both men and women need to commit to a larger male domestic role, and employers need to make it easier for employees to balance work and family responsibilities. o The work-family balancing act is particularly challenging for low-wage workers—and the toll is especially hard on single mothers. D. The Feminization of Poverty • The feminization of poverty refers to the increasing representation of women (and their children) among America’s poorest people. • The median female-headed one-earner family had an annual income of $45,128 in 2018, compared with $93,654 for a married-couple household. • Globally, households headed by women tend to be poorer than those headed by men. o In the United States in 2018, the poverty rate for families maintained by just a woman was 27 percent, versus 5 percent for married-couple families.E. Work and Happiness • There appears to be a relationship between a country’s rate of female labor-force participation and its citizens’ feelings of well-being. o The World Happiness Report, which has been published annually since 2012, is an attempt to measure well-being and happiness in 156 countries. ▪ The top five countries in 2018 were Finland, Denmark, Norway, Iceland, and the Netherlands. o Most of the countries with the highest female employment were among the world’s happiest. Financial security may be part of the explanation. VI. Beyond Male and Female • Gender is socially constructed, and societies may recognize more than two genders. o A growing number of Americans self-identify as transgender, nonbinary, genderfluid, or gender-nonconforming. o These terms and identities complement and enlarge the traditional binary malefemale contrast by recognizing that a person’s gender can (1) transition from female to male, (2) transition from male to female, (3) be part male and part female, or (4) be neither male nor female. o The term intersex refers to biology, while transgender refers to an identity that is socially constructed and individually performed. ▪ The term intersex encompasses a group of biological conditions (such as Klinefelter’s syndrome, triple X syndrome, and Turner syndrome) where there is a discrepancy between the external and internal genitals. ▪ Self-identified transgendered people are a diverse category in which individuals’ gender identity contradicts with the biological sex they were born with and the gender category that was ascribed to them during infancy. ▪ Cisgender refers to someone who still identifies with the gender assigned to them at birth. • Gender categories are malleable cross-culturally and historically. There are several crosscultural examples, such as hijras, a third sex of castrated men in India who fill special social roles. o Several Native American tribes included gender-variant individuals, described by the term “Two-Spirit”. o Some Balkan societies included “sworn virgins,” born females who assumed male gender roles and activities. o Among the Gheg of North Albania, “virginal transvestites” were biologically female but considered “honorary men.”Tonga’s fakaleitis, Samoan fa’afafine, and Hawaiian mahu are all men who adopt feminine attributes, behaviors, and visual markers. • The transgender category encompasses a variety of persons whose gender performance and identity contradict or defy a binary gender structure. • Facebook now offers more than 50 gender options for users who don’t identify as male or female, including agender, gender-questioning, and intersex. • The Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) community in the U.S. works to promote policies and practices that protect members’ civil and human rights. o Recent successes have included the repeal of the Defense of Marriage Act and of the “Don’t Ask Don’t Tell” policy of the U.S. armed services and the legalization of same-sex marriage throughout the U.S. in 2015. o One unresolved issue is whether public restroom and locker room access should be based on gender at birth or current gender identity. VII. Sexual Orientation • Gender identity refers to whether a person feels, acts, and is regarded as male, female, or something else. One’s gender identity does not dictate one’s sexual orientation. • Sexual orientation refers to a person’s habitual sexual attraction to, and sexual activities with, persons of the opposite sex (heterosexuality), the same sex (homosexuality), or both sexes (bisexuality). Asexuality refers to indifference toward or lack of attraction to members of either sex. • All human activities, including sexual preferences, are, to some extent, learned, malleable, and at least partly culturally constructed. • Sexual norms vary considerably cross-culturally and through time. o Studies such as the Kinsey report (1948) and the Ford and Beach study (1951) indicate high levels of same-sex activity and many instances of cross-cultural acceptance of such activity. o Among the Azande, boys apprentice with older warriors, with whom they have sexual relations. When they reach warrior status, they take on a young apprentice. When they retire from the warrior role, they take wives. They do not report any difficulties with these transitions. o Kottak focuses on the sexual practices of Etoro men, as studied and described by Raymond C. Kelly in the late 1960s. ▪ Etoro men believed that semen was necessary to give life force to a fetus. ❖ It was believed that men had only a limited supply of semen. ❖ Any sex act depleted this supply and sapped male vitality. ▪ Heterosexual intercourse was seen as necessary to reproduce but unpleasant because it would lead to a man’s eventual death. ❖ Heterosexual sex was discouraged and limited to about 100 days a year.Heterosexual sex was banned from community life and was required to take place in the woods far from the village. ▪ Although heterosexual sex was discouraged, homosexual sex between males was viewed as essential. ❖ The Etoro believed that boys could not produce semen on their own. ❖ In order for boys to grow into men, they orally received semen from older men. ❖ Homosexual acts took place in the village, as no taboos were attached to location. ▪ Etoros’ homosexuality was governed by a code of propriety. ❖ Homosexual sex between older men and younger boys was seen as essential. ❖ Homosexual sex between boys of the same age was discouraged. ▪ The Etoro shared a cultural pattern, which Gilbert Herdt (1984, 2006) called “ritualized homosexuality,” with some 50 other tribes in Papua New Guinea. o Flexibility in sexual expression seems to be an aspect of the primate heritage (e.g., both masturbation and same-sex sexual activity exist among chimpanzees and other primates).

Gender and Sexuality



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